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DECLARATIOIV OF IXDEPENDEXCE. 



INTENDED PRINCIPALLY 



FOR THE USE OF SCHOOLS. 



BV N D WIGHT. 

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PRLYTED BY J. if J HARPER, Si CLIFF-Sn 

SOLD BY COLLINS AND HANSAY, COLLINS A\D CO., G. AND C. AND H CARVILL, 
WILLIAM B. GILLEY, E. BLISS, O. A. ROORBACH, WHITE, GALLAHER, ANP WHITE, 
a 8. FRAjiCIS, WILLIAM BURGESS, JR., AND N B. HOLMES: — PHILADELPHIA, »£. U 
CAREY AND A. HART, AND JOHN GRIQG — ALBANY, 0. STEELE, AND W. C. LITTLE. 

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pn^fSy'r [,Sl^j;f |^fo'ol'*T;y^^ «^ Independence, intended 

to the authors and proprf^lo^^'orsSS ?o|ie?duKth°/t™'P'k^^"-^*^' ^"^^ book/ 
AndaJso to the act, entitled, " An actsaZlmeiul?vtn^^^^^ mentioned.- 

^he encouragement of learn i,<., bv ^curinffthp rlni ' *■ " ^''^' ^"^'^'^<1 a" ^^t for 

Ehe authors and proprietors f.uchcoSdw^^ '^'^''''' ''"*^ '''*'^' '" 

extending the benrfit,. .jiereofio the aS of de^^r L 1 ""^' ^^'^'■'''" mentioned, and 
and other Drinja '' ^ designing, engraving, and etching historical 



^ ^ ^ . FREDERICK I. BETTS 

CZerkof the Southern District of .Keio- York. 



TO THE READER, 



The following work has been compiled principally 
with a view to its introduction into schools, throughout 
our country. It was believed by the author, that a gene- 
ral knowledge of the distinguished men, whose names 
are set to the Declaration of Independence, would at 
all times be considered as desirable by the young and rising 
generations of the union. That the names and charac- 
ters of those persons who risked their lives in defence of 
I their country's rights, liberties, and privileges, and under 
' whose counsels its independence was achieved, and es- 
tablished, should be had in remembrance to the latest 
period of time, will be acknowledged by all. The his- 
tory of them which has been published, is too voluminous, 
and too expensive, for a very large proportion of the 
community ; and altogether inconvenient to be used as 
a reading book for schools. This publication is fixed at 
so moderate a price, as to be within the reach of all who 
may wish to put it into the hands of their children, or to 
introduce it into their families. As such it is submitted 
to the public. 



BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES 

OF THE 
OF THE 

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 



NEW HAMPSHIRE. 

JOSIAH BARTLETT. 

Doctor Josiah Bartlett was of French extract. His 
ancestors went from Normandy, in France, and settled in the 
south of England, at a very early date of English history. 
One branch of the family, in the seventeenth century, came 
(o America, and settled at Beverly, in Massachusetts. From 
thence, succeeding generations scattered into various towns 
in Massachusetts. Stephen, the father of Josiah, married a 
Miss Webster, and settled in Amesbury, in that province. 
In that town Josiah was born, in the month of November, 
1729. It does not appear that he received a regular classi 
cal education at any college ; but having, by other means, 
acquired some knowledge of the Latin and Greek languages, 
he, at the age of sixteen years, commenced the study of me- 
dicine in his native town, under the tuition of Doctor Ordway, 
who was a distant relative of the family. As private libra- 
ries at that age of the country, were neither numerous nor 
extensive, Mr. Bartlett, having a taste for literary improve- 
ment, sought and obtained access to those of gentlemen in 
neighboring towns, having early gone through with that of 
his instructor. He faithfully improved his opportunities, and 

1 



2 JOSIAH BARTLETT, 

privileges, insomuch, that at the close of his medical educa- 
tion, he was deemed well quahfied to commence the practical 
duties of his profession. 

With a view to an establishment in the medical practice, 
iie settled himself at Kingston, in New Hampshire. There 
he soon became distinguished, as a skillful and successful 
practitioner, and acquired an extensive and lucrative employ- 
ment. His success in treating a disease of a malignant charac- 
ter, (denominated, in common language, at that time, " Black 
Canker,") which. was suddenly, and almost universally mor- 
tal, and which resisted the treatment of the faculty, gave to 
Doctor Bartlett the reputation of possessing pre-eminent skill. 
And to this he was justly entitled ; for his success was the 
result of deep investigation, and decision of character ; a de- 
cision that refused to be bound down by arbitrary theories, 
and resolved to act according to the dictates of his own judg- 
ment, in cases in which the judgment of others had proved 
almost universally erroneous. In that respect, he seems to 
have resembled the immortal Sydenham. 

Perhaps nothing will more endear a man to his fellow citi- 
zens than a successful practice of physic, in cases where 
others have failed, and where many lives have been saved 
from immediate death, apparently l3y the instrumentality of 
superior skill. If his moral character is irreproachable, such 
a physician is an object of much more than common esteem 
and respect in a community. Such was the general and 
professional character of Doctor Bartlett. And this, com- 
bined with an amiable temper, affability of manners, instruc- 
tive conversation, uprightness of conduct, inflexible integrity, 
and promptness in deciding and acting, all concurred in ren- 
dering him extensively popular. He was also a stern un- 
bending republican in his principles ; and no special proffers 
of royal favor would allure him to desert the path which 
duty pointed out as his course. 

He early received the commission of a civil magistrate, 
and about the same time, the command of a regiment of mi- 
litia ; both of which offices were conferred during the admi- 
nistration of Governor Benning Wentworth. In 1765, during 
that administration, he entered on his political career, as a 
representative to the provincial legislature from Kingston. 
He there had opportunity to learn the mercenary conduct of 
the royal governor, and the subserviency of a majority of 
the representatives to the will and views of the royal governor, 
Here, though in a minority, an upright performance of his 



NEW HAMPSHIRE. 8 

cluty required him to oppose measures which he deemed 
corrupt, and to record his vote against what he deemed fla- 
grant violations of moral rectitude, on the part of the adminis. 
tration, and unwarrantable usurpations, by which the rights 
of the people were wantonly trampled on. 

In granting charters for new towns, Governor Went- 
worth would reserve some of the most valuable rights foj 
himself, and others for the benefit of the episcopal church, 
as glebe lands. His successor, (who was his nephew,) and 
came into the office in 1768, adopted the pUin of his uncle, 
re-granted some towns that had been granted by his prede- 
cessor, and chartered new towns, so that they interfered, and 
clashed with former grants. But he was never, in these 
acts, unmindful of his own emolument. He always took es- 
pecial care to appropriate some of the best tracts to himself. 
There were numerous individuals whose interest was sacri- 
ficed by this conduct. They felt aggrieved. The people 
generally were puncans, and felt no partiahty for episcopacy. 
'XTiey disapproved of the grants of glebe lands for the benefit 
of the episcopal church, apprehending that it was leading to 
an establishment of a privileged order of religion, like that 
in England. Both looked around them for a leader, who 
would espouse and vindicate their interests ; and in Doctor 
Bartlett they found their champion. He was from principle 
with them ; and he fearlessly placed himself in bold opposi- 
tion to regal power, in support of the rights of the people 
which were already, in some instances, shamelessly sacri- 
ficed to feed official cupidity, or to strengthen the arm of the 
ministry at home. 

These were some of the causes which operated on the 
feelings of the inhabitants of New Hampshire, and predispo- 
sed them to unite with those of other colonies in open resist- 
ance, so soon as the ministerial usurpations became mani- 
fest, and oppressive to the people. That time was now at 
hand. 

At the termination of the French war, the heavy expenses 
incurred in its prosecution furnished the ostensible ground. 
It was said, that it was waged and carried on especially for 
the defence of the American colonies, and that was made the 
pretext for taxing the colonists, that they might be compelled 
to bear the burden incurred for their benefit. The colonists 
did not deny that they ought to bear their portion of the ex- 
pense ; but they did deny the right of parliament to tax them 
without their consent, and without their being represented, in 



4 JOSIAH BARTLETT, 

parliament; and they maintained that they had furnished 
their quota of men, and their proportion of the expenses of 
the war. In 1767, Governor John Wentworth, perceiving 
that Doctor Bartlett was a leading and influential member 
of the legislative assembly, resorted to the same measure 
that Governor Hutchinson did in Massachusetts. He tried 
to sway him by the gift of office. He appointed him a jus- 
tice of the peace ; evidently, as appeared afterwards, to in- 
duce him to use his influence in favor of the royal interests. 
But, in this he failed entirely. For, in the session of the 
assembly that next followed that appointment. Doctor Bart- 
lett, true to his principles, strenuously opposed the grant 
which the governor called for. 

By the year 1774, the opposition to the British interest, 
which had hitherto been a minority, received so many acces- 
sions, that it was foreseen it would soon become a majority. 
The governor resorted to a measure for preventing that re- 
sult, which evidently, and contrary to his ;:alculations, acce- 
lerated it. He arbitrarily caused three new members to be 
added to that body, from towns much less populous than se- 
veral others which were left unrepresented; and because 
they were known partizans to the royal cause. The impru- 
dent and overbearing conduct of one of them alarmed some, 
who had before been supine, and decided others who were 
wavering, on the side of opposition. 

The conduct of the governor and his adherents, keeping 
steadily in view the plans of the British ministry, and the 
successive and increasing evidence of their ultimate purpose, 
which their measures and conduct furnished — alarmed the 
citizens for the safety of their rights and privileges, as Brit- 
ish subjects, and stimulated them to devise measures for 
their defence against ministerial intrigues and despotism. 
Hence, in 1774, some of the leaders of the opposition began 
to hold private meetings. Doctor Bartlett was always an 
active and influential leader in those meetings. The time 
had now arrived for the assembly to display the banner of 
resistance to British power. In 1774, the house, conforming 
to the example of other assemblies, appointed a committee of 
correspondence. The governor took the alarm, and in the 
exercise of his executive authority, dissolved the assembly. 
They dispersed, but on a call from the committee, they as- 
sembled again, and acted without the governor's aid or au- 
thority. They, by their circular, requested the towns t© 
choose delegates to a convention, to meet in Exeter, with the 



NEW HAMPSHIRE. 5 

express object in view, of choosing delegates to attend the 
congress in September, in Philadelphia. This convention, 
among other important transactions, chose Doctor Bartlett, 
and John Pickering, Esq. as their delegates to the general 
congress. Mr. Pickering did not accept the appointment ; 
and Doctor Bartlett, having recently had his house consumed 
by fire, was unable to leave his family ; and, consequently, 
did not attend. Early in the year 1775, by Governor Went- 
worth's orders, his name was struck from the commission of 
the peace, and he was dismissed from his military com- 
mand. Several of his patriotic associates received the like 
treatment at the same time. 

In 1775, the former minority having become a strong ma- 
jority in the house of assembly, in opposition to Governor 
Wentworth, he summoned a new assembly. But the incon- 
sistent conduct of General Gage, and the blood of Americans, 
which had been previously shed in Lexington, Massachu- 
setts, had so far roused the spirit of the people of New Hamp- 
shire, that he succeeded no better with this, than with the 
assembly he had recently dissolved. They signified that 
they would repose no confidence in the propositions of the 
British parliament that had been submitted to them, nor dis- 
cover any spirit of conciliation in them, while they were ac- 
companied with acts of open hostility. 

On receiving the communications of the governor, at the 
opening of their session, they requested a short adjournment, 
to allow them time to examine the important measures re- 
commended for their decision. This was granted. And. 
on their coming together, after their term of adjournment had 
elapsed, they clearly indicated their feelings, by expelling 
the three new members from the house. This was done in 
compliance with a recommendation of the convention. One 
of these members, having given offence to the people by his 
language out of the house, was assaulted by the inhabitants 
of Portsmouth. He took refuge in the governor's house. 
But he was demanded in such a threatening and peremptory 
manner, that he found it necessary, for his own safety, to de- 
liver him up to the people. Thus it became manifest thai 
the governor's authority had become prostrated, and he found 
it necessary for his own safety, to retire on board an English 
man of war, then lying in the harbour. In all the steps taken 
by the patriots of New Hampshire, in opposition to the Bri- 
tish projects and regal authority. Doctor Bartlett was always 
a consistent and uniform partizan ; and one of the most con- 

1* 



6 JOSIAH BARTLETT, 

spicuous leaders. On the expulsion of those obnoxious 
members, the governor immediately adjourned the assembly. 
They came together, according to adjournment, in June. 
In that assembly, Doctor Bartlett found himself encumbered 
with arduous duties. He was not only a member of that 
body, but of the committee of safety, and of the provincial 
convention. The governor, however, sent a messenger to 
the house, and adjourned them to a future day. He had re- 
tired from what he deemed an unsafe situation, in New 
Hampshire, to Boston ; in September he went to the Isle of 
Shoals, within the limits of his government ; and from thence, 
issued his proclamation, in which he adjourned the legislative 
assembly to April of the following year. This was his last 
official act as governor of New Hampshire, and the close 
of the British government in that province — a government 
that had existed for the term of ninety-five years. 

The absconding of the governor left the province destitute 
of any legitimate government ; but the provincial congress 
assumed the government, with the approbation of the people. 
That congress continued the existence of the committee of 
safety, and authorized it to exercise, during their recess, all 
the powers of civil government, executive and legislative. 
That congress re-appointed Doctor Bartlett to the command 
of a regiment. 

In August, 1775, he was again chosen a delegate to the 
continental congress, and took his seat in that venerable as- 
sembly in September following. There, like the other de- 
voted patriots, who had given their whole powers to promote 
the cause of their country, he attended ably, and with exem- 
plary fidelity to the discharge of those duties which were 
devolved on him. He once, and for but a short time, visited 
his family ; and then hastened back to the scene of his pub- 
lic services, and devoted himself to them until the close of 
his term. In 1776, he was again elected. He now had, 
for his colleagues, William Whipple and John Langdon, 
Esquires. In June, of that year, he was appointed one of 
the committee for devising a plan of confederation, for unit- 
ing the colonies in a general government, to enable congress 
the better to bring forth the energies of the country, and to 
maintain the arduous conflict in which the country was in- 
volved. 

After the Declaration of Independence had been discussed 
in congress for a considerable time ; it having been ascer- 
tained that there was a decided majority in congress, ready 



NEW HAMPSHIRE. 7 

to vote in its favor. On the fourth day of July, when the 
decision was to be irrevocably made, congress, beginning 
with the most northern state, called on Josiah Bartlett of 
New Hampshire, who gave his answer in the affirmative. 
The other colonies being called in regular order, the question 
was decided. John Hancock, being then president of con- 
gress, first signed the instrument, and the next signature was 
that of Josiah Bartlett. He was the first who voted for, and 
[he second who signed the Declaration of the Independence 
of the United States of North America. 

He was again elected to the same station in 1777, but did 
not attend congress, by reason of ill health. But in the year 
following, he returned to his duties in that body, which had 
then retired to Yorktown, in consequence of the British hav- 
ing occupied Philadelphia. 

After Philadelphia was evacuated by the enemy, congress 
re-assembled there ; and in their return from Yorktown, some 
of the members, and he among them, were exposed to consi- 
derable danger, on their way, from those freebooters who 
were stiled " Cow-boys." 

In October, 1778, he obtained leave of absence from con- 
gress, and returned to his family ; where his private affairs 
needed his superintendence. These had suffered derange- 
ment, and sustained loss, by reason of his long absence ; 
and he found it inexpedient for him to return to congress 
again. Consequently, he did not again take his seat. 

After his return to New Hampshire, he was, in 1779, ap- 
pointed chief justice of the court of common pleas, for the 
county in which he resided ; and the next year, muster- 
master of the troops then raising in that state, for the conti- 
nental service, for a term of three years, and " during the 
war." In 1782, he was appointed a side judge of their first 
court ; and in 1788, he was promoted to the office of chief 
justice. 

He was an influential advocate, in the convention of New 
Hampshire, for the adoption of the federal constitution of the 
United States ; and, when it went into operation, he was 
elected a senator to the first congress that assembled under 
that constitution, in the city of New York. But he declined 
that office, and did not attend. 

In 1790, he was chosen president of New Hampshire. 
He continued to perform the responsible duties of that office 
till 1793, at which time he was elected the first governor 
that New Hampshire ever had, as an independent state. 



S WILLIAM WHIPPLE, • 

After continuing in that office about one year, he closed his 
long, honorable, and useful public life, by resigning the chief 
magistracy of the state, and retired to the repose of private 
life, enjoying the grateful esteem of a community, in whose^ 
service he had spent many years, and for whose benefit he had 
devoted his best talents and efforts. Here he might reflect, with 
a good conscience, on a well-spent life ; and, had it been per- 
mitted to him, he might have contemplated with pleasing an- 
ticipations, the rising prosperity, and future greatness of the 
nation, whose independent existence he magnanimously de- 
clared, at a time which was appalling, and when many men's 
hearts were faihng them with fear. But he was allowed 
this indulgence only for a short season. For in May, 1795, 
he closed his earthly existence, in the sixty-sixth year of 
his age. 

His wife, whose family name also was Bartlett, died six 
years previous to her husband, leaving an estimable charac- 
ter among her surviving acquaintance. His sons are justly 
distinguished among the most respectable and eminent citi- 
•zens of New Hampshire. 



'*<*mO@0**<^ 



WILIiAM WHIPPLE. 

In 1759, when he was but twenty-nine years of age, Mr. 
Whipple quitted the sea-faring life, and entered into mer- 
cantile business in Portsmouth, in New Hampshire, in con- 
nection with his brother Joseph Whipple ; and the connection 
was continued, until one or two years before the revolution- 
ary war began. 

He early espoused the cause of the colonies, in opposition 
to the claims of the British government, and manifested such 
an ardent patriotic zeal in favor of his native country, that 
he soon became distinguished by his fellow citizens ; and 
was, by their united suffrages, appointed to several offices of 
trust and importance, at that period. In him, firmness and 
moderation were happily blended ; and in their exercise, he 
never disappointed the confidence reposed in him by his 
constituents. When the citizens of New Hampshire deemed 
it expedient to call a provincial congress, to elect delegates 
to the continental congress, Mr. AVhipple was chosen, by the 



NEW HAMPSHIRE. 

citizens of JPortsmouth, one of their representatives to that 
body. He attended its rneeting, which was held in Exeter. 
in May 1775, and was then chosen one of the provincial 
committee of safety ; an executive body, whose business it 
was to regulate the general concerns of the government du- 
ring the continuance of the war. Soon after this he was 
placed on the committee of safety for the town of Portsmouth, 
The reader of these memoirs will doubtless recollect the 
great importance of such committees, in sustaining the cause 
of America, during that period when the utmost vigilance 
and precaution were required, to guard against the intrigues 
of internal enemies and spies, and secret emissaries sent into 
the colonies by the enemy. The office was one of vast im- 
portance, and required constant activity, and great prudence 
and firmness, in those to whom was entrusted the discharge 
of its duties. 

In 1775, the people of New Hampshire formed a tempo^ 
rary government, comprised of a house of representatives, 
and a council of twelve members ; Mr. Whipple was chosen 
a member of the council. Within one month from that elec- 
tion, viz. on the twenty -third of January 1776, he was ap- 
pointed a delegate to the general congress in Philadelphia. 
He took his seat in the month following: for the first time, 
and in the course of the year, set his name to the Declara- 
tion of Independence. He was re-elected to the same office 
for each of the three years, immediately following. Within 
that period he was occasionally absent from his seat in con- 
gress, serving the public in the military department. The 
remainder of the term he was president, and attended to the 
discharge of his duties with diligence and fidelity, until the 
middle of September, 1779, when he finally retired from con- 
gress. During his continuance a member of the great coun- 
cil of the nation, his previous acquaintance with maritime 
and commercial pursuits, rendered him an important member 
of committees to which these two great interests of the pub- 
lic were submitted. He was appointed one of the superin- 
tendents of commissary and quarter-master's departments, 
in which, it was alledged, much irregularity and improper 
management had existed, by which the public had been 
abused and defrauded. It required much labor and patient 
investigation, to ascertain and correct the evils ; and to place 
those departments on such a foundation, as would, in the best 
manner practicable, secure the public from similar abuses;^ 
und promote the service of the country in fiituiie. To these 



10 WILLIAM WHIPPLE, 

duties, Mr. Whipple applied himself with great assiduity, and 
much benefit to the cause of his country. He was one of 
ihose members of congress who assumed a firm stand in op. 
position to the proposal, warmly advocated by some, for issu- 
mg farther emissions of a paper currency, after the continental 
money of previous emissions had become greatly depreciated. 
He, with some others, contended, that the system had already 
been pursued to a very dangerous extent ; and the proposal for 
carrying it still farther, was fraught with extreme danger ; 
and if actually pursued to a greater extent, the apprehended 
danger would inevitably be realized, in a total destruction of 
the public credit. 

In the beginning of 1780, the office of a commissioner of 
the board of admiralty was offered to Mr. Whipple ; but, for 
reasons growing out of his private affairs, he declined the 
offer. 

In the year 1777, while Mr. Whipple was a member of 
congress ; at the time when General Burgoyne was advanc- 
ing from Canada upon the northern frontier, at the head of 
a powerful combined army of disciplined troops and savages ; 
by whose approach the border settlers were threatened with 
destruction, and the whole northern and eastern states were 
justly alarmed at the danger with which the country was 
menaced in that quarter, Mr. Whipple was called, by the 
government of New Hampshire, to gird on the military ar- 
mour, and go forth to meet the enemy. The militia of that 
state were divided into two brigades ; one was placed under 
the command of General Stark, and the other under that of 
General Whipple. General Stark, in obedience to his or- 
ders, marched with a part of the force to encounter the enemy, 
and check his progress by every means in his power. He 
met Lieutenant Colonel Baum at Bennington in Vermont 
with his undisciplined militia, and gained the well known vic- 
tory, that decked him and his patriotic band with laurels, 
which will remain flourishing so long as history endures. 
While General Stark, and his detachment, were gathering a 
harvest of imperishable glory for themselves, and achieving 
great benefits to the American cause, General Whipple 
marched at the head of a combined force, consisting of a 4 
large part of his brigade, and volunteers from all parts of 
New Hampshire, to join the army under command of Gene- | 
ral Gates at Saratoga, and Stillwater in New York. When ' 
General Burgoyne was compelled to surrender his army to 
the victorious troops under Gates, the latter appointed Gene- 



m 



NEW HAMPSHIRE. 11 

ml Whipple and Colonel Wilkinson as his representatives, 
to meet two officers of the British army to settle the articles 
which grew out of the conditions proposed by the commander 
in chief of the British army. After all the terms of capitula- 
tion were settled, and preparatory measures for the purpose 
adjusted. General Whipple was selected as one of the officers 
appointed to command the marching of the British troops to 
the encampment appointed for them by congress at Winter- 
hill in the vicinity of Boston. 

There is an anecdote connected with this expedition of 
General Whipple, which is deemed too valuable to be omit- 
ted in the history of his life. 

When General Whipple set out to join the army, he took 
with him for his waiting servant, a colored man named Prince, 
one whom he had imported from Africa many years before. 
He was a slave whom his master highly valued. As he ad- 
vanced on his journey, he said to Prince, " If we should be 
called into an engagement with the enemy, I expect you will 
behave hke a man of courage, and fight like a brave soldier 
for your country." Prince feelingly replied, " Sir, I have 
no inducement to fight, I have no country while I am a slave. 
If I had my freedom, I would endeavor to defend it to the 
last drop of my blood." This reply of Prince produced the 
effect on his master's heart which Prince desired. The 
general declared him free on the spot. The act was cer- 
tainly highly to the general's honor ; had he not done so, the 
character of Prince would have stood forth the fairest of the 
two. 

In 1778, when a British force was in possession of Rhode 
Inland, and a concerted plan of attacking them had been 
agreed upon by a combined force of the French and Ameri- 
cans — the French by water with their fleet under command 
of the Count d'Estaing ; and the Americans by land under 
General Sullivan — General Whipple joined Sullivan with a 
detachment of the New Hampshire militia. By the surpris- 
ing conduct of Count d'Estaing, one of the fairest opportunl- 
t?ies for weakening the British, and of obtaining a splendid 
victory in favor of the United States, which was presented 
during the revolutionary war, was entirely frustrated. The 
consequence of his strange and most unaccountable conduct 
was extreme disappointment, mortification, and disgust, on. 
the part of the Americans ; and impelled by those feelings^ 
many of the militia who had collected for the occasion, be- 
Heving that nothing valuable would be achieved, left the ser- 



12 WILLIAM WHIPPLE. 



vice. In a few days, the army under General Sullivan was 
reduced by desertion, to nearly one half its numbers, [which 
had been collected for besieging the British in Newport.} 
In consequence of this, which was the result of Count d'Es- 
taing's perverse conduct, the situation of Sullivan's forces 
became extremely critical. He consequently raised the siege 
of Newport, and withdrew his troops to the north part of the 
island ; and soon after, crossed the river and retreated to 
Tiverton. 

* The design for calling out the militia having thus failed, 
many of them were discharged ; and General Whipple with 
those under his command, returned to New Hampshire. He 
was engaged in that mortifying and abortive expedition about 
six weeks. 

The people manifested their confidence in him, and their 
approbation of his services as their representative in the ge- 
aeral congress, immediately on his retiring from it, by re- 
peatedly returning him a member of their state legislature. 

After congress had constituted Robert Morris superinten-- 
dent of finance for the government, he appointed a receiver 
in each of the several states. For those agencies, not gene- 
Tally popular, and very arduous in the duties which they in- 
volved, the superintendent invariably selected those men 
whose characters were established for strict integrity 
and patriotism. With General Whipple he had been ac- 
quainted in congress, and his estimation of his character 
may be determined by the fact, that he selected him for that, 
office in New Hampshire. This took place in 1782. He 
had not retained the office more than one year, before he be- 
came desirous of relinquishing it. The backwardness of the 
legislature in aiding him to collect the sums appointed to be 
paid by New Hampshire, as her quota of the national expen- 
ses, their almost total disregard of his communication on the 
subject, and the sluggishness of the state in paying the re- 
venue for which they were assessed, so disgusted General 
Whipple, that he urged Mr. Morris to suffer him to with- 
draw from the office, and that another man might be appointed 
to supply his place. The spirit of the citizens, and the dif- 
ficulties to be encountered in performing the duties of that 
office, maybe inferred from the fact, that although he received 
!iis commission in May, 1782, and he had labored continually 
to forward the collection of money, that he might be able 
to remit something for the public service, then in a most suf- 
fering condition ; it was not till January, 1784, after peace 



1 

1 ■ 



NEW HAMPSHIRE. U 

took place, that he was enabled to make his first remittance 
to the treasury, and the amount of that remittance was but 
three thousand dollars. Having suffered mortification from 
the constant disregard to his remonstrances, and repeated 
disappointments of his expectations, he determined to indure 
them no longer, and resigned his commission to Mr. Morris 
in July, 1784. 

General Whipple was appointed, in conformity to a resolve 
of congress, one of the commissioners to hear and settle the 
dispute long subsisting between Pennsylvania and Connecti- 
cut, relative to the Wyoming lands. They met in Trenton, 
New Jersey, in November, 1782. He was appointed presi- 
dent of the court, and during its long and arduous session, 
from the eighteenth of November, to the thirteenth of De- 
cember, he conducted their proceedings with great dignity, 
decorum, and impartiality. 

His health had suffered, and had become impaired in some 
degree by the fatigues he had endured, and the exertions he 
had made previously for promoting the public service of the 
country ; but about the time when that court of commission- 
ers met, he began to be afflicted with painful strictures 
across the chest. This infirmity rendered his situation not 
only painful, and at times extremely distressing, but verj" 
dangerous. By reason of it, he was almost precluded from 
necessary exercise ; as even that which was moderate, pro- 
duced violent palpitations, and riding on horseback sometimes 
caused him to faint and fall to the ground. 

It was the custom at that period, when General Whipple 
retired from congress, for the courts in New Hampshire to 
be constituted of four judges ; the chief justice only was a 
lawyer by profession, and the side judges were selected from 
among the civilians who were supposed to possess a sound 
judgment, a discerning mind, and integrity of principle ; 
these, together with a good general education, were deemed 
adequate to qualify for a seat on the bench. Mr. Whip- 
ple was appointed a side judge of the superior court of New 
Hampshire, in 1782. In an effort which devolved on him,, 
and which he undertook, of summing up the arguments of 
the counsel, stating the evidence and submitting the case to 
the jury, he brought on a violent palpitation, which so affect- 
ed him, that he never after attempted a similar exercise while 
he remained a member of the court. He continued to ride 
the circuits two or three years. 

Iji the autumn of 1785, the affection in his chest became 

2 



14 MATTHEW THORNTON, il 

so distressing, that he left the circuit before he had complete 
ed it and returned to his home. He immediately retired to 
his chamber, which was the place of his confinement to the 
close of his life. The nature of his complaint prevented him 
from taking a recumbent posture. All the refreshment by 
sleep during his confinement, he received while sitting in an 
easy chair. 

He gave direction some time before his decease, that after 
his death, an examination should be made, to ascertain the 
nature of his malady. He continued to endure an increas- 
ing distress, until the twenty, eighth day of November, 1785, 
when he expired in the fifty-fifth year of his age. 

On an examination, it appeared that a part of his heart 
had become ossified. Thus terminated the hfe of a man, 
the commencement and early education of whom, presented 
uo greater probability for rising to distinction and eminence, 
than thousands of others who are born and reared in this 
country. To him in the morning of life, no stronger motives 
for exertion, nor animating inducements to perseverance were 
furnished, than are placed in view of a large proportion of 
American youth. Yet, we have seen him rise from the sta- 
tion of a cabin-boy, to the command of a ship. Disembark- 
ing from thence, we have seen him with the feelings of ardent 
patriotism, acting at the same time in the character of a mer- 
chant and a politician ; possessing the confidence of his fel- 
low citizens, we have seen him promoted to high military 
office, and through successive gradations rising rapidly to a 
seat in the first legislative council in the nation, and then on 
the bench in the highest court of law in the state where he re- 
sided. All this was achieved by him, aided by a prepara- 
tory education more limited than is acquired by hundreds of 
youth in New England, from year to year. And all this was 
Mflfected before he had reached fifty-five years of age. 



— »»9@04«— 



MATTHEW THORNTON. 

Matthew Thornton, was a native of Ireland. He was 
bom in that island about the year 1744. His father, when 
he was about three years old, came with his family to America, 
and took up his first residence at Wiscasset in Maine* But 



NEW HAMPSHIRE. 1 



K 



after a few years' residence there, he removed to Worcester, 
in Massachusetts ; where he availed himself of an opportunity 
of giving his son an academical education. This he did 
preparatory to fitting him for one of the learned professions, 
which he designed he should pursue. 

Having gone through his preparatory course, he selected 
the medical profession for the object of his pursuit, and com- 
menced his professional studies under the instruction of Doc- 
tor Grout of Leicester, but a few miles from Worcester, 
Having passed through the usual course of preparation, ac- 
cording to the usage at that period, he began his professional 
career in Londonderry in New Hampshire. That town was 
originally settled by Irish emigrants : there, among his native 
countrymen, he was cordially welcomed with that warmth of 
national attachment, for which the Irish are distinguished > 
wherever they are assembled. His success in his practice 
was answerable to his wishes ; for he soon established a repu- 
tation which gave him extensive employment, and after seve- 
ral years, comparative affluence. 

Previous to the convulsions, a few years antecedent to the 
beginning of the revolutionary conflict, Doctor Thornton, 
with but one exception, spent his time in the regular pursuit 
of his professional business in Londonderry. He joined the 
expedition against Cape Breton, as surgeon to the troops em- 
ployed in that successful enterprise. With this exception, 
no occurrence of his life is recorded, demanding a particular 
notice, during the intervening period, between 1745 and 1775, 
In the latter year, when the royal government was subvert- 
ed, and dissolved in New Hampshire, and a provincial con- 
vention was formed, Matthew Thornton was appointed the 
lirst president. At that time he was in commission of the 
peace, having been appointed by Governor Benning Went- 
worth ; and he held also the commission of a colonel, in the 
militia of New Hampshire. He was, however, an attentive 
observer of the political measures adopted by the British 
parliament, and their oppressive bearings upon the liberty,, 
rights, and prosperity of the colonists. He was determined 
respecting the proper course to be pursued — that the oppres- 
sive system, begun and adhered to by parliament, notwith- 
standing petitions and remonstrances, must be met by the 
provincial inhabitants with an uniform, firm, and united oppo- 
sition. In his intercourse with the people of ^w Hamp- 
shire, he was actively useful in exciting and directing their 
spirits, and thus preparing them to assume that position of 



10 MATTHEW THORNTON, 

determined resistance, which would be indispensable for the 
Bnaintenance of their civil rights and privileges, as subjects 
of the British empire, or as members of an independent go- 
vernment adopted by themselves. So popular had he be- 
come among the people of New Hampshire, that he was ap- 
pointed president of the government formed in that province, 
on the abdication of Governor Wentworth, when he fled from 
apprehended danger to preserve his life, and thus he was 
placed in the station of chief magistrate of the colony. The 
convention was comprised of men not educated for political 
life, and for a term of six months only. Sensible that they 
were not well versed in the theory of government, and real- 
izing their unorganized condition, they applied to the conti- 
nental congress for counsel and advice how to proceed in that 
emergency. They adopted other wise and prudent mea- 
sures, more immediately afl^ecting the conduct of the inhabi- 
tants, during the interregnum, which were productive of hap- 
py results. Licentious meetings, and acts of insubordina- 
tion and lawless violence, but too common when men are 
without an acknowledged legitimate government, were wholly 
avoided ; and the public peace and tranquillity preserved, 
until a system of government was adopted, and put into oper- 
ation, according to the recommendation of congress. In all 
these proceedings Doctor Thornton had a leading influence. 

Soon after^ their system of government was adopted, and 
a general assembly convened for legislative business. Doc- 
tor Thornton was chosen speaker of the house. This was 
in Januar}^, 1776. In September of the same year, he was 
appointed a delegate to the continental congress, for the term 
of one year. He took his seat in the ensuing November : 
and was then admitted to sign his name to the Declaration of 
Independence; although the vote sanctioning the measure, 
had been taken on the fourth day of July preceding. In this 
indulgence, however, he was not singular. Several other 
delegates were similarly situated by their not being present 
at the time when the question was settled in congress hall. 

Previous to his first election to a seat in congress, so earl\ 
as January, 1776, he was appointed a judge of the superior 
court of New Hampshire ; and before that date, he had been 
elected a member of the court of common pleas» In Decern 
ber, 1776, he was again elected to congress for the term of 
one year, from the 23d of January, 1777. Having repre- 
sented the state of New Hampshire during that term, he closed 
'tiis labors in congress, and withdrew to his domestic resi- 



NEW HAMPSHIRE. 17 

dence. His office of judge in the superior court he retained 
until 1782. 

In the latter part of 1779, he left his residence in London- 
derry, and removed to Exeter. He there purchased a farm, 
and divided his time between agriculture and his official pub- 
lic employments. His farm was very pleasantly situated on 
the margin of the Merrimack River ; where, in an attendance 
on his diversified employments, some of which, as pastimes, 
served the twofold purposes of recreation and amusement, he 
spent the latter years of his life in tranquillity. Being ad- 
vanced in years, he principally relinquished the business of 
his medical profession, attending to its calls only when re- 
quested in cases of special urgency. He was once or twice 
elected a member of the general court, and served in that 
capacity; and was once chosen a senator in the state legisla- 
ture. 

His society was not only acceptable to, but courted by peo- 
ple of all ages and distinctions in society ; and his own affec- 
tions and friendships were warm, ardent, and sincere. Few 
men, in their intercourse with mankind, had more numerous 
friends, and still fewer greeted them with an attachment more 
T>ure or fervent. 

He was a firm believer in the divine revelation, and a con- 
stant, and reverential attendant on the public institutions of 
the Christian religion, whenever he was not prevented by the 
necessary calls of his professional duties, or others which 
were indispensable. 

After he had passed his eightieth year, he was attacked 
with the whooping-cough, and survived it several years, al- 
though it frequently affected his lungs with extreme violence. 

In 1803, being then on a visit to his daughters, who were 
settled in Newburyport in Massachusetts, he was removed 
from the world by death, on the twenty-fourth day of June, 
in the 89th year of his age. 

His children who survived him were two sons and two 
daughters. 



a* 



18 JOHN HANCOCK, 

MASSACHUSETTS. 

JOHN HANCOCK. 

This gentleman, who made a conspicuous figure in the 
period which preceded the revolutionary struggle, by which 
the American colonies were severed from the mother coun- 
try, and whose name stands first on the list of signers of the 
Declaration of Independence — was born in the year 1737, 
near the village of Quincy, in the province of Massachusetts 
Bay. The spot on which his paternal residence stood, con- 
stitutes a part of the estate of the first President Adams. 

Both his grandfather and his father were ministers of the 
gospel. The first settled and continued for near half a cen- 
tury in Lexington, the town celebrated for the scene of the 
first enterprise of the British troops, and the commencement 
of open hostilities with this country. His father, John Han- 
cock, seems to have been a laborious, faithful, pious minis- 
ter ; a friend of learning, and a patron of the literary institu- 
tions of the province which gave him birth. His early 
decease, which occurred during the infancy of the subject of 
this memoir, left his son under the care of an uncle, who 
was an enterprising and successful merchant, and had risen 
to wealth and eminence among the merchants of New Eng- 
land. This affectionate relative took the charge of his 
nephew's education, and sent him to Harvard College, where 
he graduated in 1754, at the age of seventeen years. It is 
not known that he was distinguished among his contempora- 
ries at college for any thing remarkable in his application to 
study, or in the brilliance of his genius. 

Soon after he closed his collegiate life, his uncle entered 
him as a clerk in his own counting house, and during the 
period of three years, his attainments in the knowledge of 
his business were such, that in the year 1760, he sent him 
to England. During his residence there, the death of George 
II. and the accession of George III. occurred. He was pre- 
sent at the funeral of the former, and the coronation of the 
latter. Soon afler his return from England, he was called 
to mourn the death of his kind and benevolent patron. Thi5> 



MASSACHUSETTS. 19 

event left him, at the age of twenty -seven years, in possession 
of one of the largest estates within the province of Massa- 
chusetts. 

Having an ample provision for all his temporal wants thus 
secured to him, he seems to have relinquished all commer- 
cial enterprises, and to have early entered on a political career. 

The first public office he sustained, was that of selectman 
for the town of Boston. This is a municipal office in every 
town in Massachusetts, and in several other stales in New 
England. Mr. Hancock continued to perform its duties for 
a number of years. 

In 1766, at the age of twenty -nine years, he was chosen a 
representative of Boston in the general assembly of the pro- 
vince, having for his colleagues, James Otis, Samuel Adams, 
and Thomas Cushing ; all of them able men and ardent pat- 
riots, who exerted an extensive and salutary influence, directed 
by wisdom and sound discretion during the subsequent period 
of their political lives. 

Seasons of much excitement, in which the feelings of a 
whole community are strongly interested, connected with op 
resulting from measures that bear upon the whole people of 
a state or nation, are known to affiDrd opportunities for the 
display of talents in individuals, which, but for such seasons 
had never been made known to the public, perhaps even to 
the individuals themselves. Such was the era in which the 
subject of this memoir and his compatriots in Massachusetts 
were ushered upon the theatre of political life, in his native 
province. Perhaps he was more indebted for the rank he 
sustained among his fellows, to the times, than to any pre-emi- 
nent greatness of talents which he possessed. His talents 
were beyond all doubt respectable ; and the emergencies of 
the time in which he was called to act, furnished the most 
powerful incentives and the most favorable opportunity for a 
brilliant display of them. His conduct through all his sub- 
sequent life, evinced that they were adequate to the occasions 
which called for their various exercise. 

For some time antecedent to Mr. Hancock's entrance into 
public life, the measures of the British cabinet, relative to 
the American provinces, were of such a kind as justly to ex- 
cite jealous apprehensions of their ultimate designs upon the 
chartered rights and liberties of the provinces. Such a jea- 
lousy, once excited, stimulated those who had the best oppor- 
tunity to witness the course of events, to an untiring watch- 
fulness of all their purposes, and to provide effectually against 



20 JOHN HANCOCK, 

every insidious encroachment upon their privileges. Mr. 
Hancock from his infancy, had imbibed an attachment to civil 
liberty. This attachment influenced and regulated his con- 
duct to the termination of his life. He was placed in a 
situation where he had the best opportunities for detecting 
the machinations of the government of Great Britain relative 
to the provinces ; and he, in connection with others, began 
early to concert measures, effectually to avert and frustrate 
their designs. 

An occasion for making this manifest, was not long want- 
ing. The British government undertook to impose duties on 
foreign merchandise imported into the colonies ; and to in- 
flict other injuries on their commerce, which impaired the 
colonial prosperity. These measures were very obnoxious 
to the people, being generally considered by them as an 
unjust encroachment upon their rights, and an unconsti- • 
tutional infringement of their chartered privileges. They" 
early determined not to submit to them, without resorting to 
all lawful measures of resistance. 

Mr. Hancock was a member of the provincial assembly, 
for the town of Boston, at the period when parliament adopted 
those obnoxious measures. To procure a revocation of them, 
he with a few others, formed associations to prevent the im- 
portation of British merchandise. They commenced a sys- 
tem of opposition to British oppression in Massachusetts, that 
was afterwards adopted in other colonies ; and which led to 
the pursuit of measures, that contributed largely to the se- 
curity of their liberty and independence, against all foreign 
encroachments in future. The feelings of the people being 
greatly excited, a predisposition to resist every aggression 
attempted by the English government and its agents, was 
every where excited, and was ready, at a moment's warning, 
to be brought into action when an occasion should be pre- 
sented. Such an one soon appeared. It was said Mr. Han- 
cock had a vessel loaded contrary to the revenue laws. 
This vessel was seized by the custom house oflicers, and 
placed for security, under the guns of an armed ship of the 
government. By this act, the people were so exasperated, 
that they assembled, and pursued and beat the officers with 
clubs ; and drove them on board their vessel, or to a neigh- 
boring castle for security. They also burnt the collector's 
boat, and a mob rased to the ground the houses of some of 
the most obnoxious and active partizans of the collector. 

The name of Hancock was only incidentally connected with 



MASSACHUSETTS. 21 

this transaction. He was already popular with the commu- 
nity ; and from this incident that popularity was increased. 
He was young, of an ardent temperament, active in vindica- 
ting the rights of the people against attempts at usurpation : 
and above all, he was atfluent and hospitable. It is not 
strange therefore, that he should, as he in fact did, become a 
favorite leader with the great body of the people. 

This occurrence furnished a pretence, which the go- 
vernor probably was glad to embrace, to justify himself for 
introducing several regiments of British troops into Bos- 
ton. His ostensible plea was, that the measure was required 
for maintaining tranquillity in the town, for protecting the of. 
ficers of the customs against similar violence in future, and 
to guard against civil commotions among the inhabitants. 
There was already, a hostile feeling existing between the 
people and soldiery. This measure of the governor served 
to increase and inflame it; and to nourish the seeds of in- 
surrection which were even then germinating among the in- 
habitants. They regarded the armed soldiers as the instru- 
ments of a tyranny, to which they were determined never to 
submit. The soldiers despised the people, and the people 
abhorred the soldiers thus quartered among them. With 
these feelings and sentiments mutually indulged, it required 
only a slight cause to produce violent outrage. An occasion 
of this kind was not long delayed. On the 5th of March, 
1770, as a small party of British soldiers were parading in 
King- street, an assemblage of the people collected near by. 
doubtless not influenced by the kindest feelings, but on the 
contrary, provoked by repeated insults which the soldiers 
had given them, assailed them with snow balls and such 
other missiles as were at hand. To repel this assault, the 
soldiers, by order of their officers, fired on their assailants ; 
killed several and wounded more of the citizens. This event 
is stiled the Massacre of Boston, This occurrence, in which 
the first blood was shed since the commencement of their 
contentions, caused great excitement in the town ; and al- 
though the mob gave the provocation, the inhabitants viewed 
it as an outrage which demanded the most signal revenge. 
The troops, anticipating the consequences of this rash action 
to themselves, withdrew to their rendezvous ; and, by this 
measure, were saved from falling a sacrifice to the enraged 
populace ; who flocked in from every part of the town, pre- 
pared to avenge, in a summary manner, the deaths of their 
fellow citizens. 



22 JOHN HANCOCK, 

The citizens who had for some time felt aggrieved by the 
introduction of the troops among them, seized on this, as u 
favorable occasion, to urge on the governor the necessity of 
having the soldiers immediately withdrawn from the town. 
The citizens were convened on the following day ; and they 
appointed Mr. Hancock, and some others, to call on the go- 
vernor, and request that he would direct their removal with- 
out delay. This was ultimately accomplished, though not 
without reluctance on the governor's part ; nor until after a 
second deputation of the people. Mr. Hancock exerted a 
leading influence on this occasion. At a period of life com- 
paratively early, he had acquired such a degree of confidence 
among the people, that he seems to have been constantly 
selected as a leader, to direct all measures which concerned 
the public welfare. The governors of the province succes- 
sively, and the partizans of the administration, watched him 
with the closest attention. They discovered that his princi- 
ples of government were opposed to their measures, that he 
was an able and vigilant sentinel, watching all their motions 
with a fixed determination to obstruct, and when practicable, 
to frustrate their obnoxious designs ; and stedfastly to vin- 
dicate and uphold the just rights of his fellow subjects. The 
panders of power, and the royal sycophants, would gladly 
have induced him by intimidation or by flattery, to desist from 
the course he had adopted. Roth of these methods were in 
.succession tried upon him, but they were tried equally in 
vain. His integrity, though assailed by addresses to his 
fears, and to his ambition and vanity, was found by those who 
wished to detach him from the popular interest, too stern 
and inflexible. He was equally unmoved by a proffer of 
royal favors on the one hand, if he complied ; and on the 
other, with the threatened vengeance of his sovereign, if he 
persisted. These facts being evinced, he became highly 
exalted in the public esteem ; and proportionately obnoxious 
to the officers of government. 

On one of the annual returns of the 5th of March, the day 
of the Boston Massacre, he was selected by the citizens, to 
deliver an oration commemorative of that event. This he 
did in such a manner, as gave great satisfaction to the 
people ; but caused strong feelings of umbrage in the parti- ^ 
zans of the government. It is a favorable specimen of po- 
pular eloquence, and exhibited him, as a man well fitted for a 
popular leader ; better adapted however, to raise and keep 
alive a feeling of excitement in the populace, than v/isely to 



•I 



MASSACHUSETTS. 23 

regulate and guide its efforts to beneficial results. Happily 
for the country, in the most important interests of which he 
was destined to become a conspicuous actor, he was asso- 
ciated with others whose patriotism was as pure, whose wis- 
dom was more matured, whose discretion, as sound, and 
whose zeal, though less ardent than his, was nevertheless as 
persevering ; and whose integrity was equally secure against 
the corrupting influence of honorary or pecuniary tempta- 
tions. 

Having been early elected by his fellow citizens, a mem- 
ber of the provincial assembly, he was soon chosen their 
speaker. This choice did not receive the approbation of the 
governor. In 1767, he was chosen a member of the executive 
council. This also was displeasing to the governor ; and he - 
was consequently rejected by his authority, in the same 
honorable manner. This was not done in a solitary instance 
merely. It had been repeated several years successively, 
which had the effect to increase his popularity with the citi- 
zens, and seemed to have become necessary to his fame. It 
was, however, suspended by the governor, without any os- 
tensible reason assigned for the change of conduct on his 
part ; and he gave his sanction to the nomination of Mr. 
Hancock to the council. 

Previous to this, some persons, influenced perhaps by envy, 
had entertained a suspicion of his integrity. This had 
been put into circulation with a cautious industry ; and had 
the effect of lowering the public confidence in his sincerity. 
This change of conduct in the governor, from open opposi- 
tion, to favor equally open, was considered as evidence which 
justified their jealousy, and strengthened, if it did not con- 
firm their belief of a depravation of principle on his part. 
To counteract and eradicate their jealousy, and the effect 
in their minds, of art, and of unsought civilities of the gover- 
nor, he refused to take his seat at the council board ; and at 
no very distant period, pronounced his oration, in commemo- 
ration of " the massacre" above mentioned. Bv these mea- 
sures, he successfully refuted the insidious suggestions of 
his rivals ; triumphed over his enemies, retrieved his waning 
popularity, and resumed with increased favor his standing 
in the public estimation. Nor was this the only immediate 
effect which this hne of his conduct produced. It reconciled 
those whose former attachment had become cooled for a sea- 
son. He was restored to their confidence ; and in the same 
proportion, his magnanimous display of firmness and integrity, 



M JOHN HANCOCK, 

incurred the vengeance of the British government. A 
man so influential as Mr. Hancock, the ministry would gladly, 
by the use of any means in their power, have secured in 
their favor. Intimidation and corruption they had tried: 
and tried in vain. 

Their only remaining resource for destroying his influence, 
which was likely to oppose them in all their measures for 
oppressing the colonists, was to put him out of the way : the 
attempt to accomplish this was made at a subsequent period ; 
when he, with his untiring friend and colleague, Samuel 
Adams, was excepted, from the clemency of his majesty, in 
the proclamation issued by the governor, after the battle at 
Lexington ; in which he offered pardon to all whose penitence 
evinced their submission — except the notorious offenders, 
Samuel Adams and John Hancock. These had been too 
guilty to escape punishment; and were consequently except- 
ed, and held in reserve, when secured, to sate the vengeance 
of the government. 

He had, for some time, commanded, with the rank of a 
captain, the cadet company, which was the governor's guard. 
Governor Gage removed him from that office. The company, 
in resentment, returned the standard which they received 
on the governor's accession to this office, and disbanded 
themselves. What gave a signal importance to this mea- 
sure of the governor, was the fact that the company consist- 
ed of some of the most respectable inhabitants of Boston. 

Governor Barnard was peculiarly obnoxious to Mr. Han- 
cock. In 1767, he complimented him with a lieutenant's 
commission. This commission Mr. Hancock tore in pieces, 
in presence of many citizens. By this act, he gave offence 
to royal dignity, and received the reprehension and threats 
of the governor. He was, subsequently, chosen captain, 
with the rank of a colonel. This took place a short time 
after Governor Barnard had taken his departure. Dur- 
ing a period of several years, immediately preceding the bat- 
tle of Lexington, which was the commencement of open hos- 
tilities in the revolutionary war, the conduct of Messrs. Sam- 
uel Adams, and John Hancock, had been attentively watched 
by the existing government. Their influence on the peo- 
ple was strongly deprecated by the governor and his parti- 
zans. Various attempts were made, but without success, to 
detach them from the cause of the people, which they had 
espoused, and boldly manifested on various occasions. As 
these several attempts proved unsuccessful — as they would 



MASSACHUSETTS. 25 

neither be frightened, nor allured, into a compliance with the 
governor's wishes, it was deemed an object of no small im- 
portance to get possession of their persons, that they might 
be held in safe custody, to prevent further injury, and that 
they might be brought forth to answer for their treasonable 
practices. Their consciousness of this fact brought them 
much together. 

The night preceding the Lexington battle, these two gen- 
tlemen lodged together in that village. To secure their per- 
sons, is supposed to have been one motive for the expedition, 
which resulted in that sanguinary conflict. 

They narrowly escaped being captured. For as the party 
detached for securing them, entered the house In which they 
lodged, by one avenue, they retired through another, and 
thus eluded their pursuers, at the moment when they believed 
they had secured their victims. The governor, mortified 
and incensed by his failure, issued his proclamation, by the 
terms of which, they v^ere cut off from all hope of clemency, 
oven should they voluntarily surrender themselves. This ex- 
clusion was viewed by their fellow citizens, as an honorable 
distinction in their favor ; since it clearly indicated the de- 
gree of importance, which the enemies of their hberty attach- 
ed to their characters and influence. In proportion as they 
were feared and proscribed by the governor and his adher- 
ents, they were exalted and confirmed in the esteem and af- 
fections of the people. 

The provincial congress of Massachusetts, in October, 
1774, unanimously elected Hancock their president. In 
the following year he was chosen president of the continen- 
tal congress. The office was the most honorable distinction 
his country could confer on him. He was peculiarly qualified 
to discharge its arduous duties, with benefit to the country, 
and honor to himself, by his previous experience as a pre- 
siding officer, in various deliberative assemblies, in his na- 
tive state ; and by reason of a dignity of manners, always de- 
sirable in such an office, and which he possessed in a pre-emi- 
nent degree. This distinguished office he held on the ever 
memorable fourth of July, 1776; and hence his signature 
stands foremost on the Declaration of Independence of the 
United States of North America. It may be added in this 
place, that the most important document, in which every Ameri- 
can citizen feels the most lively interest, when first publish- 
ed, went abroad to the world, with the name of John Han* 

3 



26 JOHN HANCOCK, 

cock only subscribed to it. This fact, though the result of f I 
his official station, gave signal importance to the man, in the 
public estimation for a season ; and served, in no inconsidera- 
ble degree, to enhance his fame. 

He entered on the discharge of the arduous, and somewhat 
embarrassing duties of his office, with a becoming modesty, 
highly jtroper in itself, and becoming in him, in the presence 
of a number of distinguished men, his seniors in age and ex- 
perience. Those duties he performed with such an appro- 
priate wisdom, and such a display of personal dignity, as de- 
manded and received the approbation even of his enemies. 

In 1777, he resigned the office of president of congress, 
and retired to his native residence. He was induced to take 
this measure, by long continued application to the arduous 
duties which had devolved on him, and by the increasing 
ravages of the gout, by which his health was considerably 
impaired. In this retirement to domestic life, the esteem and 
applause of his countrymen followed him ; which they espe- 
cially evinced by public and splendid demonstrations. 

But he was not suffered long to enjoy the tranquil plea- 
sures of domestic retirement, for he was elected a member 
of the convention which was appointed about this time, to 
form a constitution of government for the commonwealth of 
Massachusetts. Inaction has few attractions for a man who 
has been used to an active life. Such a man was Hancock. 
As might have been anticipated from a knowledge of his es- 
tablished cliaracter, he was very assiduous and faithful in the 
discharge of those public duties which that important station 
devolved on him. 

After the constitution was adopted by the people of that 
state, Hancock had the honor conferred on him, of being 
chosen the first governor of that commonwealth, and was the 
first man ever preferred to that station, who derived his au- 
thority from the voluntary suffrages of a free people. To 
that office he was annually chosen, five years successively. 
And after two years, during which, the office was conferred 
upon the honorable, James Bowdoin, he was again elected, 
and by annual reappointment, held the office to the close of 
his life. 

It is well known that the period intervening between the 
termination of the revolutionary war, and the adoption of the 
federal constitution of government, was a season of great 
agitation and solicitude, throughout the country. During the 
Struggle for securing the national independence, a feeling o* 



MASSACHUSETTS. 27 

common interest, and a sense of common clanger, influenced 
the states, under the old confederation, to act in concert. 
And this, in the existing state of the country, was found ade- 
quate to the great purposes for which it was formed. But 
after the war was terminated, and the people had time to at- 
tend to their own immediate concerns, experience soon taught 
them that there was a deficiency in th*^ general government, 
which rendered il unfit to answer the necessities of a na- 
tion, comprised, as this was, of a number of independent sove- 
reignties. Conflicting interests of difierent states were 
found to operate injuriously on those of individuals, in their 
commercial transactions. One state, as a sovereign power, 
claimed a right to exact an impost duty on the citizens of 
another. This, as was natural, excited a disposition to re- 
taliate. The people were impoverished by the expenses oi 
the war. Many were in debt. Creditors resorted to legal 
measures to enforce a collection of their demands, which in- 
volved many families in deep embarrassment. Taxes for the; 
support of government, though indispensable, by many were 
deemed exorbitant ; and their collection resisted. Owing to 
these and other causes, a spirit of disafiection to government 
prevailed extensively in New England: and in Massachusetts, it 
at length broke out in an open insurrection. Wise reflecting 
men perceived the necessity of a remedy for these evils. 
This was eventually sought and obtained in the formation, 
adoption, and successful operation of the federal constitution 
of government, under which we now live. 

During this period, almost a period of anarchy, Mr. Han- 
cock was called to administer the government of Massachu- 
setts. The difficulties which he had to encounter were many 
and perplexing. With the aid of his compatriots he was 
enabled to surmount them. Insurrection was subdued ; and 
gradually the agitadon of the public feeling settled mto a 
state of tranquillity, worthy of a people, who, under difficulties' 
and burdens almost mi^aralleled, had achieved their inde- 
pendence. He wa.T uot exempted, however, from imputa- 
tions of being arii.^ed b\ sinister motives, unworthy at all 
times of distinguished public characters. And, in this res. 
pect, he was not singular. For no purity of character — no 
professions of disinterested intentions — no line of conduct, 
corresponding with such f-roiessions, during a long life, ac- 
tivel}^ devoted to his fellow men, could secure the great 
Washington from similar aspersions, generated by envy in 
the breasts of those who uttered them. 



jy JOHN HANCOCK, 

Mr. Hancock was chosen a member of the Massachusetts 
convention, for discussing the great question of adopting or 
rejecting the federal constitution. In that body, the constitu. 
tion met with many opposers. It was believed that these con- 
stituted a majority of the members. Probably owing to the 
impression which prevailed, that he disapproved of it, he was 
chosen president of the convention. But sickness prevented 
him from taking his seat, till the last week of their session. 
He then attended, and voted in favor of its adoption. Its 
adoption by Massachusetts, about which, many fears were 
entertained in other states, was probably effected, in a great 
measure, by his influence, activity, and personal efforts to ob- 
viate the objections of many opposing members. But for his 
exertions in its favor, there is a strong probability that the 
constitution would have been rejected by that commonwealth. 

After the general government was organized, and had 
gone into operation, in a suit against that state, before the 
court of the United States, he was summoned, as governor, to 
answer the prosecution. He resisted the process, on the ground, 
that an independent sovereign state could not be arraigned 
before a civil court to be tried. In this resistance he was 
successful. And a recurrence of such an event was prevented 
l)y an amendment of the federal constitution. By this act, 
Avhich was one of the last of his eventful life, he probably in- 
troduced a barrier against many controversies, which would 
otherwise have ensued, and have disturbed the public harmony 
with acrimonious contentions. 

About twenty years before his death, he married a Miss 
Quincy, a native of Boston, and a member of one of the most|j 
ancient, and distinguished families of New England. His 
onl)^ son dying in his youth, he was lef*^ vi+hout a child to 
perpetuate his name, or to inherit his fortune. 

That Hancock was a popular leader in his native common- 
wealth, is admitted by friends and foes. No rival competition 
for office could run successively against him. That he Avas 
fond of popular favor cannot be denied ; but he sustained the 
imputation of having sought it at times, by methods not wholly 
commendable. That he was well fitted for the times in which 
he lived, and for the theatre on which he acted a most con- 
spicuous part, will now be acknowledged by all who are ac- 
quainted with the history of his life — and that he was a bene- 
factor to his country, will not be called in question by pos- 
terity. • 



MASSACHUSETTS. 29 

JOHN ADAMS. 

This gentleman, who was destined, in the course of Provi- 
dence, to act a conspicuous part in events which led to, and 
introduced the revolutionary struggle between Great Britain 
and her American colonies, and to become a leader of dis- 
tinguished emnience in the civil concerns connected with 
that great event, was born at Quincy in Massachusetts, a 
short distance from Boston, on the nineteenth day of October, 
(O. S.) 1735. He was a lineal descendent, in the fourth 
generation, from Henry Adams, who fled from persecution in 
England ; and, maternally, from John Alden, who was one 
of the Pilgrims who landed on the Plymouth-rock, and sought, 
with that worthy band of pious adventurers, an ayslum 
for civil and religious liberty, which was denied them in their 
native country. The first settlers of this country, having been 
long refused the enjoyment of their natural rights " at home,'' 
(as it was then called,) had, before they embarked, acquired 
a clear and detinite understanding of what constituted those 
rights. This knowledge, they not only brought with them 
into this their new country, but carefully instilled it into the 
minds of their posterity. They came well prepared to claim 
and establish a full enjoyment of their civil and religious 
rights for themselves, and to ensure their transmission, secure 
and unimpaired, to future generations. No class of men pro- 
bably ever lived, who more carefully instilled their own princi- 
ples into the minds of their children, than the New England 
Pilgrims ; nor was there ever a class of men who more faith- 
fully performed the duty of instructors, in this respect, than they. 
They clearly foresaw that their immunities, however securely 
guarded by royal charters, might have to encounter attempts to 
wrest them from the possession of their descendants, by go- 
vernors and other representatives of regal power. They 
therefore took much pains to provide that all children should 
have the means of education within their reach, that they might 
grow up with a correct understanding of their rights, from 
childhood, and be prepared to defend them by truth and sound 
argument, against all the arts of cunning and ingenious sophists. 

In this school John Adams was born. He began to re- 
ceive its instructions at the earliest dawn of his intellectual 

3* 



30 JOHN ADAMS, 

perception ; and he was introduced to the political stage as a 
prominent actor, at that period of his country's history, 
when all his powers were necessary to vindicate his own and 
his country's rights, against the unjust claims of the British 
ministry, and to rescue them from their grasp, that they might 
be preserved inviolate to posterity. To prepare him for entering 
college, his father placed him under the tuition of a compe- 1 
tent instructor in Braintree. After completing his preparatory 
course, he was admitted a member of Harvard College, at 
Cambridge, in 1751, where he graduated at the end of four 
years. His collegiate life, as far as is known, was not marked 
by any thing very distinguishing. But for this deficiency, 
the after years of his life abundantly compensated. 

Having resolved to engage in the profession of law, soon 
after leaving college he repaired to Worcester, and placed 
himself under the instruction of an eminent barrister, of the 
name of Putnam. At that early period of the history of 
America, the opportunities for acquiring education in this 
country were very limited, compared with the present. Few 
extensive libraries were possessed by individuals, even among 
professional men. But in the office of Mr. Putnam, Mr. 
Adams found as good advantages as could readily be ob- 
tained at that period, which he improved with great industry, 
although he was engaged in instructing a grammar school at 
the same time. It wsiS long customary for young gentlemen 
in New England, to pursue such an employment, that they 
might, in a course of useful labors for the benefit of others, 
support themyvilves during their professional studies. 

His connection with Mr. Putnam was the means of intro- 
ducing him to acquaintances, who were of much value to him 
during, his preparatory studies. Amon<;f them was the attor- 
ney general of the province, Jeremy Gridley, Esq. Their 
first interview, which was effected by the knid offices of his 
instructor, was the commencement of a mutual friendship, 
which proved highly beneficial to Adoms. in a manner in- 
dicative of peculiar affection, Mr. Gridley led his friend into 
a private room, as if to communicate a confidential secret ; 
in which apartment was a book-case, containing treatises on 
civil law — works rarely to be met with in New England at that 
time. While Adams was anxiously expecting the disclosure of 
some important communication, pointing to the book-case, Mr, 
Gridley addressed him thus : " There is ihe secret of my 
eminence, of which you may avail yo'nself, if you please." 
By faithfully and perseveringly improving those means, which 



MASSACHUSETTS. 31 

this act of special friendship put at his command, he soon be- 
came distinguished by his famihar acquaintance with a branch 
of science but httle known, at that time, by either judges 
or practitioners. This enabled him to begin his professional 
career with peculiar advantages, not possessed by his contem- 
poraries. A mine of rich treasure was thus thrown open to 
him, from which his competitors were wholly excluded. 

There are documents still preserved, which clearly demon- 
strate that Mr. Adams very early began to turn his mind to a 
contemplation of the general politics of his country. A let- 
ter, written by him in 1755, when he was but twenty years 
of age, gives a specimen of his views and his manner of re- 
flecting on this subject, at that early period. This leiLer is a do- 
cument of so remarkable a character, that it has been deemed 
worthy of preservation. It discloses great strength of mind ; 
and exhibits a comprehensive range of speculation, and an 
extensive forecast, which must be admitted to be remarkable 
for such a youth, in any country. Its length precludes its in- 
sertion in this brief sketch. 

Mr. Adams was admitted to the bar in 1758, and settled 
with the intention of practising law, in Braintree. 

During several years, prior to the stamp act and other 
measures of the British parliament, which were, pecuhariy 
obnoxious to the feelings, and injurious to the commercial 
prosperity of the colonists, there had existed a rooted bitter- 
ness between the people in Boston, engaged in foreign trade, 
and the officers of the customs. Those officers, to some de- 
gree odious in every community, by the measures they adopt- 
ed to strengthen their powers and legalize their arbitrary 
acts, became very obnoxious to the inhabitants. The former 
were actuated by a desire to render themselves popular with 
the ministry, that they might possess the means and oppor- 
tunity to amass property. The latter, by a jealous guardian- 
ship of their own liberties, and an unbending determination 
to resist and combat every attemptpd encroachment upon 
them, destroyed ail harmony, and established mutually a 
fixed aversion, that widened the breach continually. At this 
early date, though not openly active, Mr. Adams espoused 
the cause of the citizens in the most decided manner. He 
steadily but cautiously watched the progress of events 
abroad ; and, in his private study, made himself minutely 
acquainted with the law and justice appertaining to both sides, 
of the controversy. As, therefore, he increased in years, he 
advanced in qualifications to assume and maintain the impor- 



S2 JOHN ADAMS, 

tant station he held in the revolutionary struggle which en- 
sued. 

He was admitted to the rank of a barrister in 1761. As 
his professional business increased, favorable opportunities 
were successively given him for exhibiting his talents to the 
public, and for attracting their attention ; and, on these oc 
casions, public approbation was liberally awarded to him. 
He was neither an indifferent, nor an inactive spectator of 
the interesting events that occurred, affecting in an alarming 
manner, the rights and liberties of the colonists ; and espe- 
cially those of his native province. This enabled him, even 
at the commencement of his career, to exhibit a mind well 
informed on every subject presented for discussion, upon 
principles purely republican ; and with an integrity that pur- 
sued an undeviating course, uninfluenced by bribery, flattery, 
or threats, though all these were successively attempted. 

The first instance of material importance, in which Mr. 
Adams appeared publicjy to advocate the cause of his coun- 
try, and to defend her against the arbitrary proceedings of 
the parliament, was in 1765, on its being made known that 
the celebrated stamp act had passed into a law, and to be 
enforced in the colonies. It was on this occasion, that he 
^vrote and published his " Essay on the Canon and Feudal 
Law ;" an elaborate and bold appeal to the people. This 
publication presented him before the community, in a manner 
peculiarly favorable for his future promotion. Indeed, it 
wshered him rapidly into public notice ; insomuch that 
though young, lie was the same year associated with the dis- 
tinguished James Otis and some others, possessed of conge- 
nial feelings, to demand, in preseuce of the governor and 
council, that the courts should dispense witti the use of 
stamped paper in their administration of justice. From this 
moment, he was always prompt to step forward and act iii 
unison with the leading master spirits of that town and vici- 
nity, in all their efibrts to. obstruct, and effectually counter- 
act the schemes of the ministry. 

In 1766, he removed from Braintree and spttlpH in Boston. 
A short time before his removal, he was married to Miss 
Abigail Smith, daughter of a respectable clergyman of that 
name, with whom he lived more than half a century. 

After the military had been stationed in the town of Bos» 
ton, among the citizens, on the pretended ground that theit 
aid was requisite to enable the officers of the customs to 
execute the duties of their office ; considering it a violation 



MASSACHUSETTS. 38 

of the citizens' rights, and a gross calumny upon their cha- 
racter, he united with Otis, Hancock, S. Adams and others, 
in op}-»osition to the governor and his satellites, and with 
them perseveringly prosecuted measures for effecting their 
removal from town. In these efforts he manifested such de- 
cided talents, that Governor Barnard judged it expedient to 
try to detach him from his associates, and secure his aid on 
the side of government. Accordingly, he authorized Mr. 
Sewall, the attorney general, and Adams's personal friend, to 
offer him the lucrative office of advocate general in the court of 
admiralty. But it was promptly rejected. He magnanimousK 
chose rather to expose himself to dangers and suffer afHic^ 
tion with his fellow citizens and republican brethren, than to 
sacrifice his integrity for the reward of a lucrative office. Thr 
office, which was one that would have placed him in the line of 
promotion, yielded a handsome income ; and withal, required 
no ostensible abandonment of his principles or friends. Yet. 
knowing that all of these would be expected of him, of whicli 
his acceptance of the offer would be considered as a virtual 
pledge, he viewed it as an insidious attempt upon his prin- 
ciples, and he peremptorily declined to accept the appoint- 
ment. 

It will be recollected, that all the efforts of the people of 
Boston to effect the removal of the military from the town, 
proved unsuccessful, until after that affray, in which the sol- 
diers fired on a collection of the citizens, and killed several 
in 1770, called the Boston Massacre. 

After some delay, those who were supposed the guilty ones, 
were arrested and tried by a civil court. Mr. Adams was 
applied to, to undertake their defence as their counsellor and 
advocate in the court. This was a trying situation, and es- 
pecially in such circumstances. He had been one of the 
foremost of the citizens in seeking to have the soldiers re- 
moved to their barracks ; he had united with the militia as a 
private, in mounting guard and patroling the streets by night 
and day for the common safety of the inhabitants ; he was a 
man of the people, he lived among and for the people ; and 
depended on their favor for his professional prosperity ; yet 
he was now called on to defend the cause of men, who were 
not only obnoxious to the citizens, but who had killed, as they 
thought wantonly, several of their friends and townsmen. 
In this trying situation, he adopted a manly and independent 
course. He did what his friends applauded him for doing, 
nt no small hazard of losing the favor and esteem of lus 



34 JOHN ADAMS, 

neighbors and friends ; he appeared as their advocate, and 
conducted their defence in such a manner as merited and 
received the universal applause of the community. The 
pledge which he had given of his integrity, in refusing the 
office proffered him two years before, secured him against 
any sus})icion of sacrificing his principles on that occasion. 
That he lost no favor among his fellow citizens, is evinced 
by their choosing him their representative that same year, in 
place of Mr. Bowdoin, who then took a seat in the council. 
It required, however, no small share of moral courage, under 
such circumstances, to take the stand which he did. And 
his election to the legislature, so soon after the trial, was no 
equivocal evidence of their undiminished confidence in his 
integrity. 

In ail the controversies between the royal governors on 
the one side, and the colonists on the other (and these were 
numerous and perplexing during the few years immediately 
preceding the open rupture that followed,) Mr. Adams 
always stood forward in defence of their chartered rights; A- 
and whether he was a member of the house of assembly or 
not, his talents were always put in requisition connected with 
the other leading patriots of that age, and always exerted , 
with such efiect, as to bafHe, if they did not wholly subvert. I 
the machinations of the advocates of ministerial supremacy, f 
Having refused to be bought over, he became peculiarly 
odious to the two governors, Barnard and Hutchinson ; inso- 
much, that when, by the votes of his constituents, he was placed 
on the list of counsellors. Governor Hutchinson erased his 
name ; and thus in the exercise of a right which he held, 
but which was never exerciseJ except for the indulgence of 
vindictive feelings or personal hostility, he excluded him from 
his seat. Such treatment was not calculated to concihate, 
but had a tendency to widen the breach already existing. 

Governor Gage succeeding Hutchinson, brought with him 
similar feelings towards Mr. Adams, which his predecessor 
had indulged. He made this manifest not long after his ar- 
rival, for the people having again placed his name on the 
list of consellors. Governor Gage following Hutchinson's ex- 
ample, erased it. The first assembly under Governor Gage's 
administration, was convened in Salem. It was in this as- 
sembly, of which Adams was a member, that the proposal 
for calling a continental congress to deliberate concerning 
the general interests of the colonies was proposed and adopt.^ 
ed, in spite of the governor's opposition. On that occasion. 



MASSACHUSETTS 35 

iive delegates were elected. They were J. and S. Adams, 
Paine, Cushing, and Bowdoin. 

This was a bold measure, and considered as audacious by 
some judicious men, who were particular triends ol' John 
Adams. Mr. Sewall, in particular, tried to dissuade him 
from engaging in an enterprise fraught with so much danger. 
It was on this occasion, after havmg listened to his friendly 
admonitions and advice, that Adams made that memorable 
reply, which has been considered as peculiarly characteris- 
tic — that sink or swim, live or die, to survive or perish with 
his country, was his unalterable determination. As to his 
fate, the die was cast ; he had passed the Rubicon. 

By his election to the first meeting of delegates of the first 
continental congress, he was called to act in a new, difficult, 
and highly responsible station. The views and sentiments 
of the delegates from the dilTerent colonies were very dissi- 
milar, respecting the important subjects that were to be dis- 
cussed in that assembly. But even in this situation, he soon 
showed that he was adequate to a faithful discharge of the 
momentous duties that had been entrusted to him by his 
country. 

Being fully convinced with his friend, Joseph Hawley, of 
Northampton, even at that early period, that all conciliatory 
measures on the part of the colonists would prove unavailing, 
and that " they must light after all," he felt it to be neces- 
sary to rouse the feelings of the delegates from other colo- 
nies, to realize, more clearly and more correctly than they 
did, the true situation of their country. This he saw was in- 
dispensable, that they might be prepared for that distressing 
crisis of their political affairs, which it was obvious was ap- 
proaching ; and which he even then, w ith a few others, be- 
lieved was unavoidable. In his views, he had the satisfaction 
to find some highly influential gentlemen from the south- 
ward entirely concur. Particularly the celebrated Patrick 
Henry, of Virginia, and Thomas M'Kean, of Pennsylvania. 

The measure adopted by congress in this their iirst session, 
though necessary to unite the public sentiment, and elevate 
the public feeling of opposition to the persevering despotism 
of the British cabinet, proving ineffectual, as he had predicted, 
it was soon found necessary for congress to hold another 
session. To this he was elected, in connection with all of 
his former colleagues, except Mr. Bowdoin, who, being 
about to sail for Europe, was omitted; and John Hancoclv 
appointed in his stead. 



3G JOHN ADAMS, 

The second congress convened in Philadelphia in May, 
1775. As the British had actually commenced hostilities 
previous to this meeting of congress, in their attack on Lex- 
ington and Concord, in Massachusetts, it became necessary to 
make preparation to raise a military force, and to organ- 
ize an army for the defence of the country. As articles of 
agreement had been settled, and signed by congress, accord- 
ing to which the first aggression of the British on the people 
of Massachusetts, became the common cause of all the colo- 
nies, it became the duty of congress to direct in all things ap- 
pertaining to the defence of the country, and the prosecution 
of the war, already begun. Hence a commander in chief 
was to be appointed by the congress now in session. John 
Adams of Massachusetts, nominated George Washington of 
V^irginia, to the chief command of the armies of the United 
States. This nomination, in which Adams was one of the 
prime movers, was preconcerted by him and his associates, 
with such secrecy and promptitude, that though Washington 
was a member of the body, he was wholly unapprized of the 
design, until he heard his name announced for that appoint- 
ment. Sitting in his seat, Adams nominated him ; advocated 
his appointment ; and had the high satisfaction of seeing his 
nomination confirmed by the house. Had this been the only 
public act of iiis whole life, his country would have abundant 
cause for gratitude to John Adams, as having been their bene- 
factor. His talents had been industriously exerted, after ho 
first conceived the project, for some days before he announ- 
t.ed it, to secure a majority in the house to sanction his motion. 
This was effected, though not witiiout difficulty. But after 
the nomination had been postponed one day, it received the 
unanimous approbation of congress. This fact shows tln:' 
ascendency of his talents and influence, even at that early 
date, among his fellow patriots, who had the best means and 
opportunity for forming a correct estimate of his character. 

On the sixth of May, 177G, he introduced a motion to con- 
gress, almost equivalent to a Declaration of Independence, 
and which directly led to it — that the colonies should form 
governments, independent of the crown. 

Having long been convinced that congress must soon issue 
such a declaration, he laboured assiduously, in conjunction 
with others, who he knew agreed with him in sentiment, to 
prepare the way for it, by bringing the delegates from other 
colonies to feel the indispensable necessity of the measure, 
in order to unite the people in vindicating their rights against 



MASSACHUSETTS. 37 

their invading enemy. When this preparation wafe effected, 
and the motion was introduced by Mr. Lee, of Virginia, Mr. 
Adams became its warm and decided advocate, until it was 
adopted by a vote of congress. 

He was appointed one of the committee for preparing a draft 
of a Declaration of Independence, associated with Jefferson 
and Frankhn, and others ; and taking into consideration his 
efforts, from the time when he became convinced of its neces- 
sity, to the period of its consummation, which probably included 
not less than three years, it is believed that we shall not exceed 
the limits of truth when we say, that John Adams, of Massachu* 
setts, was the most efficient agent in procuring a public Decla- 
ration of Independence of the United States of North America, 
of all those who were concerned in that memorable achieve- 
ment. His exertions were not restricted to the limits of his own 
state, nor confined within the hall of congress. Some states were 
tardy in expressing their approbation of such a measure ; par- 
ticularly Pennsylvania and Maryland. It was important to 
have a public avowal of their approbation, before congress 
came to a final result. This was accomplished by his friends 
Chase and Rush, in their respective states, aided by his coun- 
sel and influence, in due season for taking the final vote in 
congress. 

In addition to the unremitting labors of Mr. Adams in 
congress, during a visit he made to his family, soon after the 
decision of the great question of independence, the legisla- 
ture of Massachusetts elected him a member of their council. 
They also appointed him chief justice of their highest courts. 
He however declined this office ; but took his seat in the 
council, and assisted in their deliberations. He chose to ad- 
here to the national government, to the establishment of 
which he had contributed so much ; although, by acting in 
the capacity of judge in his native state, he might have en- 
joyed the pleasures of domestic life in a much greater degree, 
than his continuance in congress would permit. 

When Lord Howe arrived in this country, and made 
known that he was commissioned to confer with such persons 
as congress would designate, on the means of an accommo- 
dation with Great Britain, although Mr. Adams disapproved of 
even considering the proposition, yet it was assented to, and 
he was appointed one of the committee to treat with his lord- 
ship. They met at the British head quarters on Staten Is- 
land, and held an interview ; but, accordmg to his predic- 
tion, '* "--"-'i 'entirely abortive. 

4 



* 



38 JOHN ADAMS, 

To give some idea of his immense labors, the following 
summary may suffice. He was a member of ninety differ^ 
ent committees, during the remainder of 1776, and 1777. 
He was chairman of twenty-five. Some of these incurred 
great responsibility, and required incessant labors. The im- 
portant duties thus imposed on him, he continued to discharge 
with fidelity and assiduity till December, 1777 — when he 
was appointed a commissioner to France. This appointment 
he accepted ; and embarked on his mission, in the frigate 
Boston, in the month of February, 1778. It was on this voy- 
age that he evinced his courage as well as his patriotism, in 
a personal engagement with the enemy of his country. Captain 
Tucker, of the Boston, having discovered an English ship, ? 
with the consent of Mr. Adams gave chase to her ; and, coming 
up with, engaged her. He had stipulated, as a condition of 
attacking the ship, that Mr. Adams should keep below, out 
of danger. But he soon saw him with his musket, among the 
mariners on deck, personally engaged in the conflict. 

As the immediate object of this mission to France had 
been accomplished by Doctor Franklin, previous to his ar- 
rival in that kingdom ; Mr. Adams, having but little publie 
business requiring his attention, with the consent of congress, 
returned home, in the summer of 1779. 

He was immediately requested to assist in forming a con- 
stitution of government for his native state ; and was one of 
the committee for presenting a plan for the consideration ol' 
the convention. While he was engaged in this service for 
his native commonwealth, he was appointed by congress n 
minister to Great Britain, to negotiate a treaty of peace, and 
a treaty of commerce with that government. 

For this voyage the French minister to the United States; 
offered him a passage in the frigate La Sensible, which was 
accepted. He, with the secretary of legation, accordingly 
embarked in her at Boston, in October, 1779, and arrived at 
Ferrol, in Spain, after a long passage ; and journeyed by land 
from thence to Paris. In a short time after his arrival, he 
became satisfied that England had no serious thoughts of con 
eluding a peace with America — that she was not yet pre- 
pared to adopt the first preliminary, an acknowledgment ot 
American Independence, the sine qua non with the United 
States ; and having little business of a public nature to re- 
quire his attention, he was desirous of returning home ; but 
congress sent him a mission to Holland, to negotiate a treaty 
of amity and commerce with the states general. In this mis. 



MASSACHUSETTS. 39 

sion congress also entrusted to his agency, other interests oi 
signal importance in relation to their contest with England. 

To show tlie confidence reposed in him by congress, the 
following statement will be sufficient ; and at the same time, 
it will prove that this confidence was almost unlimited. While 
he was in Holland, congress sent him credentials, in addition 
to those he took with him from home, which constituted him, 
at one period, minister plenipotentiary for making peace ; the 
same for making a treaty of commerce with Great, Britain ; 
the same to their high mightinesses, the states general ; the 
same to the Prince of Orange and Stadtholder ; the same for 
pledging the faith of the United States, as a party to the 
armed neutrality ; and a commissioner of the United States 
for negotiating for a loan of ten million of dollars, for their 
benefit. Perhaps no public agent was ever entrusted by his 
government with so many important national interests, at the 
same time, as Mr. Adams was by congress. 

The Count de Vergennes, the prime minister of France, an 
able but wily politician, had long been making his calcula- 
tions for the preliminaries of a peace between England and 
the United States. His leading object was, to form the trea- 
ty in such a manner, that the United States should, with a 
nominal independence as a nation, be, to a considerable de- 
gree, dependent on France. It was within the plan of this 
minister, to have Mr. Adams act according to his counsel, 
and thus become a subordinate agent of France, which calcula- 
ted in the negotiation for peace, so to direct the business, as 
in the result, to give to France a large share of the commer- 
cial advantages the United States might have it in their 
power to bestow. He wished also, that the United States 
might not be admitted to the fisheries — the right to which, it 
was his object to secure to France. Against all his art, and 
influence, Mr. Adams had to watch, and to guard himself 
against being improperly swayed by the general feeling of gra- 
titude to France for aiding his country, in their arduous strug- 
gle ; which feeling, though well grounded, was unduly in- 
dulged, even by some members of congress. He saw the 
delicacy of his situation, and the danger to which he was ex- 
posed, of being instrumental in sacrifi,cing important interests 
of his country. But he resolved to act according to the true 
import of his commission, as a minister plenipotentiary, in- 
stead of receiving his instructions from the French cabinet. 
And it was owing to his discernment, and his resolution to act 
in that character, together with the firmness and patriotism of 



40 JOHN ADAMS, 

Mr. Jay, that the privileges in the cod fishery, which the Uni- 
ted States now enjoy, were secured to them in the treaty of 
peace with Great Britain. To the same united causes are 
we also indebted for the establishment of the Mississippi as 
the western boundary, and for preservation from an obliga- 
tion to indemnify the tories, for the losses which they sus- 
tained by opposing the independence of their country. 

In his agency, when he was attempting to negociate a loan 
of several miUions in Holland, for the United States, in order 
that he might succeed, he had to encounter and overcome 
numer(3us and powerful obstacles. He was almost unknown 
in Europe. He had to deal with a prudent and cautious peo- 
ple. They knew little of the country he represented, except 
that it was poor at that time, and had but limited resour- 
ces ; that many doubted whether the confederation could be 
sustained after pftace, even if they established their in- 
dependence ; and that for establishing this, they were still 
contending with their powerful adversary. Should they 
Joan their money under these circumstances, they justly an- 
ticipated much danger that it would not be repaid. Yet not- 
withstanding all these difficulties, he iinally succeeded in his 
object ; and in a short time after, he also concluded a treaty 
of amity and commerce with the Dutch government, by which 
the commerce of the United States was placed on the footing 
of that of the most favored nations. 

This he accomplished, not by the friendly aid of the Count 
de Vergennes — not with the collateral assistance of able col- 
leagues, but by the force of his own powerful and sagacious 
mind. 

Having accomplished these two most important objects, 
and signed the treaty of peace with Great Britain ; Mr. 
Adams remained during a part of 1784 in Holland. Bui 
having been appointed at the head of a commission by con- 
gress, consisting of himself, Franklin, and Jefferson, to nego- 
tiate treaties of commerce with any fdreign nations which 
might be disposed to form commercial relations with the 
United States, he returned to France, and took up his resi- 
dence in the vicinity of Paris. 

Early in the year 1785, congress appointed him minister 
plenipotentiary, to represent the United States at the court 
of St. James. The situation in which his acceptance of 
that appointment placed him, was novel, and for various rea- 
::3ons, peculiarly trying to his feelings, and difficult to sustain 



MASSACHUSETTS, 41 

with that propriety and dignity which the rules of established 
etiquette required. Yet he acquitted himself in a manner 
acceptable both to the governmwit which he represented, 
and that to which he was deputed. A lively and interesting 
account of his presentation to his majesty of Great Britain, 
was given by himself in a letter to Mr. Jay, then secretary 
of foreign relations, written by him in conformity to his in- 
structions. 

It was while he resided in his public character, that he 
wrote his elaborate defence of the American constitutions. 

After an absence of more than eisht vears, he asked and 
obtained permission to return to liie United States. Thiy 
event took place greatly to the satisfaction of himself and 
his family, in 1788. In the autumn of that year, he was 
elected vice president of the United States, and took his seat 
as president of the senate, in the first congress under the fe- 
deral consiitutioii, on the 4th day of T^'Iarch following, when 
the new constitution went into operation. He was then, by 
the voice of his fellow citizens placed in office next to " him, 
who was first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of 
.lis countrymen." This was a voluntary expression of their 
esteem and gratitude to him for so many years of his life 
devoted to their service. 

In 1792, he was re-elected to the same ofiice with entire 
unanimity. During this period, until Washington's retire- 
ment at the close of his second presidential term, Mr. Adams 
enjoyed more tranquillity than in any other period of his life, 
of equal durafion, until after his retirement from office. 
It is well knov/n that the four years of his presidency were 
among the most threatening to the peace and prosperity of 
the United States, of any during the French revolution. 

When the French revolution commenced, the people of 
the United States were universally predisposed in its favor. 
Having but a very imperfect knowledge ol" the national cha- 
racter, politic \l, civil, or religious, of France, there were 
some facts existing, which caused a deep interest in their 
favor among the people of this country. France had aided 
us in etfecting the establishment of our independence. This 
excite ! gratitude. The people of France were ruled by a 
monarchy. With a kingly government our countrymen as- 
sociated the idea of tyranny or despotism. From such a 
government we had but recently been liberated ; and for this 
liberation, the people gratefully acknowledged their obliga- 
tion to the French. We had established a republican con- 

4* 



42 JOHN ADAMS, 

stitution of government. The French nation, having destroyed 
their monarchy, established ostensibly a republican govern- 
ment also. The friend of our nation. General Lafayette, 
had taken an efficient part in their revolution, and contribu. 
ted much to the favorable sentiments of the people of the 
United States, which were indulged, even enthusiastically, 
in behalf of their revolution. They were too remote from 
the theatre, to realize the enormities which were exhibited ; 
and to a great extent, too strongly biassed in their favor, to 
admit the full force of evidence which was derogatory to 
their friends and benefactors when it was placed fully before 
them. 

Those who opposed the violence of the French, or de- 
nounced their unprincipled enormities, were stign»atized as 
monarchists and British agents. On the other hand, those 
who adhered to the French cause ; or, who did not denounce 
them openly, were stiled jacobins and French partizans, who 
were ready to sacrifice the liberty of their own country to 
French rapacity. General Washington was looked to as the 
head of the former ; and Mr. Jetferson, as head and chief 
counsellor of the latter party. 

Thus, the people of the United States were divided into 
two great parties. Each party had selected its candidate 
to succeed Washington, who had announced his determina- 
tion to rehre from public hfe. An arduous struggle resulted 
in the election of Adams, by a small majority of votes over 
Jefferson, his popular competitor, who then succeeded him 
as vice president. The influence of the French rulers, 
which Jeffirson was beheved decidedly to favor, had been 
openly exerted b}/ their minister in the United States to 
favor, and if possible to secure his election to the pre- 
sidency. The two great political parties were marshalled 
by their respective leaders, and arrayed in open hostility 
to each other. 'J^he period was full of anxiety and dan- 
ger. Foreign politics were so interwoven with those of 
our own, that thi; hitter were considered interesting and im. 
portant, only in proportion as they were favorable or opposed 
to the cause of revolutionary France. The depredations on 
our commerce, and the violations of our neutrality, perpetra- 
ted by the French, excited the just indignation of one party ; 
while by the other, they were vindicated, and even justified 
on the ground of expediency, although they were acknow- 
ledged to be illegal and unrighteous. In such a state of agi- 
tated public feeling, Mr. Adams was called to direct the 



MASSACHUSETTS. 43 

executive government of the United States. At the same 
time, the national councils were much divided. His success- 
ful progress depended, not on a united people whose confi- 
dence he possessed, but on so managing, as to ensure the 
continued support of the party by which he had been chosen. 
He was vigorously sustained by them for a time, although 
his policy did not entirely meet with their approbation. 
Their confidence in him from wavering, became feeble. 
Distrust and disaftection ensued. Harmony between him 
and his cabinet was disturbed. His party, by whom he had 
been supported, considered themselves as insulted by his 
treatment, and ungratefully requited, forsook him ; and at 
the end of four years, he was permitted to retire from public 
employment, amid the triumphant rejoicings of those who pa- 
tronized his successor ; and attended with the censure and 
disgust of those, by whom he had been upheld. He seems 
to have imbibed the idea, that his friends S'uight to prescribe 
his course, and dictate his measures. A full measure of self, 
sufficiency, and a consciousness of official importance, which 
have never been denied him, instead of conciliating the es- 
teem and ensuring the cordial support of his party, caused 
disaffection and terminated in his political prostration ; and 
after the lapse of a few years, he united himself with the 
party who had persecuted him for more than ten years. 

Some time after he retired to his home at Quincy, he was 
offered a nomination as a candidate for governor of JVJassa- 
chusetts. But having escaped from the political tempest, to 
the retreat of domestic tranquillity, he had no desire to appear 
again on the arena ; but determined to remain the rest of his 
hfe, a quiet, though not an indifferent spectator of passing 
events. He declined the nomination. 

In 1820, the convention of the commonwealth, appointed 
for revising the state constitution, unanimously requested him 
to act as their president. This honor he declined on account 
of his age and infirmities. The highly respectful terms in 
which the preamble to the vote, by which his election to that 
honorable station were expressed, and the flattering manner 
in which they were communicated to him, were peculiarly 
grate I'ul to his feelings, and worthy of the assembly from 
which they proceeded. A committee of twelve members 
deputed by the convention, waited on him at his residence* 
and there presented to him the document containing the re« 
solution of the convention. He received them with great 
kindness and with deep felt gratitude for this gratifying mark 



44 SAMUEL ADAMS, 

of the esteem and confidence of his fellow citizens ; but ex- 
pressed his regret that his age and infirmities prevented his 
taking any active part in their important deliberations. 

In the autumn of 1818, he buried his consort, with whom 
he had passed more than half a century in conjugal felicity. 
But for himself, it was reserved to see just half a century 
pass over, from the day when he fixed his signature, with his 
worthy compatriots, to the Declaration of American Indepen- 
dence and Sovereignty, as a nation among the nations of the 
earth. On that very day, while his fellow citizens were in 
joyful festivity, commemorating that event — on the day of 
jubilee, he, with another member of the committee which 
congress selected to prepare that instrument, breathed his 
last, and closed his mortal existence on the earth. 

This event, which occurred near the close of his ninety- 
first year, so remarkable in many particulars, was extensive- 
ly commemorated in the country, with many significant 
tokens of public mourning, orations, and eulogies ; in which 
the real sentij^ents and feelings of the people were frankly 
expressed. 



•>me@94«<>- 



SAMLiiL.L ADAMS. 

Samuel Adams, the subject of this memoir, was born in 
Boston, Massachusetts, on the 22d day of September, 1722. 
The respectable family from which he descended, was one 
among those which early emigrated and settled in New Eng. 
land. His father, during many years, held the commission 
of justice of the peace, and was one of the board of select- 
men of Boston ; and was annually chosen a representative 
of that town, in the Massachusetts house of assembly during 
a long period under the colonial government. He was pos- 
sessed of considerable wealth ; and having resolved to give 
this son a public education, he placed him under the tuition 
of Mr. Lovell, at that time a celebrated teacher of a gram- 
mar school in Boston, to prepare him for admission to Har- 
vard university. He was received a member of that literary 
institution at an early age, and took his degree of A. B. in 
1740 ; and in two years after, received his second degree. 
He was an uncommonly sedate youth ; and both in the pre- 



MASSACHUSETTS. 45 

paratory school and throughout his collegiate term, he was 
remarkable for his assiduity in attending to his studies, and 
for punctuahty in performing his collegiate duties. 

The tendency of his reflections at that early age, may be 
inferred from the question which he proposed for discussion 
when he took his second degree. It was this, whether it be 
lawful to resist the supreme magistrate, if the commonwealth 
cannot be otherwise preserved. He adopted and defended 
the affirmative of the proposition ; and in his manner of sus- 
taining it, at that early age, evinced a decided attachment to 
the hberties of the people. 

He also practised a very commendable frugality from early 
life. For being allowed a regular and fixed stipend by his 
father, without incurring the sneers or reproaches of his 
comrades, he saved from his paternal allowance a sum suf- 
ficient to defray the expense of pubhshing a pamphlet, enti- 
tled " Englishmen's Rights." 

His father intended to have him educated for the profes- 
sion of law. Whether at his own instance, is not known ; 
but it was relinquished by his father, and he was put an ap- 
prentice to Thomas Gushing, a distinguished merchant of 
Boston, to qualify him for mercantile pursuits. He seems, 
however, not to have been partial to that business, for which 
his feelings were but ill adapted. Politics had engaged his 
thoughts even before he left college ; and to the study of them 
he devoted much of his attention. For mutual benefit, he 
witVi several associates possessed of kindred feelings formed 
a club, which often met for political discussion, and to fur- 
nish, each in his turn, an essay to be published in The In- 
dependent Advertiser. The general character of those 
essays may be presumed from the title of the gazette in 
which they were published ; and by means of them, the wri- 
ters, by way of derision, incurred the nick-name ofiJie Whip- 
ping Club. 

His father gave him a considerable capital to commence 
business as a merchant. But having devoted his attention, 
during his apprenticeship, more to politics than to the object 
of his immediate pursuit, he was but indifferently quahfied to 
manage a mercantile establishment. His success was there- 
fore such as might have been anticipated. By imprudence 
iu intrusting others with property, and remissness in attend- 
ing to a business which never much engrossed his affections, 
his affairs soon became embarrassed, and at no very distant 



46 SAMUEL ADAMS, 

period, so effectually deranged, that he became completely 
reduced. 

When he was but twenty-five, his father died, and he, being 
the eldest son, was lei^ with the care of the family. And on 
him also, devolved the management of the estate left by 
his deceased parent. His slight attention to business, and 
his predominating regard to politics, but poorly qualified 
him for a careful discharge of the duties which his situa- 
tion demanded. His attention was bestowed continually on 
the proceedings of the parental government, that he might 
detect every beginning encroachment on the rights of the 
colonists. And he employed much time, both in writing, and 
in conversing with others, endeavoring to excite in them a 
similar vigilance. In this he was indefatigable. He was 
always on the popular side ; hence in a later period, when the 
aspect of the times became more threatening, and the inter- 
ests of the people more endangered by the projects and mea- 
sures of the British parhament, he was always put forward by 
his fellow citizens, to oppose them, as their prime leader. 

When intelligence was communicated by t!>eir agent in 
England, of the design to tax the colonies, and raise a reve- 
nue, which should be at the disposal of the parhament, he 
took his firm stand in opposition to the measure. 

It was the custom at that period, when the towns met to 
elect their representatives to the general assembly, to in- 
struct them respecting their legislative duties. By the first 
meeting for choosing representatives, after that intelligence 
had reached them, Mr. Adams was on the committee for 
drawing up their instructions. As chairman he was required 
to draft them. The instrument still remains in his hand 
writing ; and in that manuscript is found the first public de- 
nial of the right of the British parliament, to tax the colonies 
without their own consent — the first denial of the supremacy 
of parliament — and the first pubhc suggestion of an union on 
the part of all the colonies, as necessary to protect themselves 
against British aggression. This was as early as the year 
1763. In 1764 there was a political club in Boston, which 
held private meetings. At those meetings, of which he was one 
of the most -.ctive members, decisive measures were project- 
ed, and so managed as to give a spring and direction to the 
public feelings. Here the determination was first made to 
oppose paying the duty on stamped paper. Although Mr, 
Adams was in favor of the opposition given to the stamp act. 



MASSACHUSETTS. 47 

by destroying the stamped paper, and the office whence it 
was issued in Boston, he was opposed to the riotous proceed- 
ings of the populace, in accomplishing this object ; and aided 
the civil magistrates in stopping them. He commenced his 
pubhc life as a legislator in 1765, having been chosen a 
representative in the general assembly by the town of Boston. 
He became early distinguished in that body, for his intelli- 
gence, sagacity, and active exertions in supporting the popu- 
lar rights of the colonies against the deep laid policy and 
the insidious aggressions of the ministry and parliament of 
Great Britain, by which they were intending to subject the 
colonists to their domination. His influence and great ac- 
tivity, in opposition to the arbitrary measures of the parlia- 
ment, and their agents in Massachusetts, soon pointed him 
out to the governor's notice, as one whom it would be inexpe- 
dient to pass by with neglect. He was therefore represented 
by Governor Hutchinson, in a letter to a friend, who had in- 
quired why Mr. Adams had not been silenced by office or 
governmental patronage ; that " such is the obstinacy and 
inflexible disposition of the man, that he can never be con- 
ciliated by any office or gift whatever." This is an honor- 
able attestation to his integrity and patriotism ; especially 
when it is recollected that he was a poor man, as it respects 
property. Yielding to the overtures of the administration, 
would at once have placed him free from pecuniary embar- 
rassment, and secured to him wealth and importance. The 
oflTer was made to him ; and it was promptly rejected. 

He was chosen clerk of the house of representatives, soon 
after he took his seat the first time in that body. With him 
originated the suggestion of assembling the first congress; 
which subsequently met in New York. This led, at a later 
period, to the meeting of the continental congress, to the 
confederation, and finally to that chain of great events con- 
nected with the war of independence. 

During that period of contention between the military force 
which was quartered in Boston, and the citizens, which last- 
ed several years, and came to its crisis in the Boston Massa- 
cre, he bore his full share, with his associates, John Adams, 
Hancock, Otis, &c. in the efforts which were resolutely made 
to effect their removal from the town. And it was owing to 
his decision of character, more than the influence of any 
• other cause, that their removal was effected. A committee 
was chosen by the inhabitants of Boston, assembled in town 
meeting, the morning after the outrage was committed by the 



48 SAMUEL ADAMS, 

soldiers, to call on the acting governor, Hutchinson, and de- 
mand their immediate removal from the town. At the head 
of that committee, was Samuel Adams. Their first call on 
him proved unsuccessful — the governor pretending that he 
did not possess the power for removing them. This was a 
mere evasion, and was used solely to avoid doing a duty, for 
the performance of which he was fully empowered, as com- 
mander in chief of the military forces, but which did not cor- 
respond with his ideas or feelings. The town meeting, con- 
tinuing in session to learn the result of their mission, on being 
informed that the governor did not comply with their request, 
directed their committee to wait on him again. The address 
of Mr. Adams to Governor Hutchinson, on this occasion, 
convinced him, not only that he had the power to remove 
them, but that any longer neglect or refusal to exercise it, in 
conformity to the expressed will of the citizens of Boston, 
would be at his own peril ; and that whatever consequences 
resulted from it would be chargeable to him. The gover- 
nor, with whatever reluctance, found it necessary to submit. 
He promised a compliance with their demands ; that it 
should be commenced the day following ; and that it should 
not be remitted until the entire removal of both regiments 
was effected. 

Among the incidents which led on to the great American 
revolution, and had a powerful influence in preparing the 
people for deciding on the measure, was the establishment 
of committees of correspondence in the several colonies. 
The first suggestion of this is claimed both by Massachusetts 
and Virginia, to have been the suggestion of one of their dis- 
tinguished citizens ; Samuel Adams, by the former ; and 
Richard Henry Lee, by the latter. But it appears, by their 
private correspondence, since brought before the public, that, 
without any interchange, they both conceived the plan about 
the same time. It was proposed to a town meeting in Boston, 
by Mr. Adams, in the latter part of the year 1772, and 
eagerly embraced by that body. 

Although there exists no certain evidence to prove that 
either Governor Bgirnard, or Governor Hutchinson ever made 
any direct attempt by offers, or assurances of patronage, to 
detach Mr. Adams from his opposition to the ministerial pro- 
jects against the rights of his country ; yet it was reported, 
and believed, that such was the fact with respect to the former. 
The latter knew him too well to venture on such a step. 
But, such was the popularity and influence of Mr. Adams, 



MASSACHUSETTS. 49 

lliat the ministry deemed it expedient to try the experiment 
directly. For this they authorized Governor Gage ; and he 
selected Colonel Fenton as his agent, to negotiate with him. 
It seems that these men had been so much accustomed to 
witness the consciences of public men as articles in market, 
at the command of him who became the highest bidder, that 
they did not dream of any want of success in this case. They 
had yet to learn that the human mind could be actuated by a 
principle, which rendered it proof against venality and cor- 
ruption. In the result of this negotiation, they were effec 
tually impressed with that truth. The celebrated answer of 
Mr. Adams, which he returned to Governor Gage by Fenton, 
was such, as left no room for doubts. After he had atten- 
tively listened to the offers of " such benefits as would be 
satisfactory, on the condition of his ceasing to oppose the 
measures of government, about which he was authorized 
to confer with Mr. Adams ;" and, to the menaces of the 
evils that would be incurred by his rejecting his proposals — 
evils formidable indeed ; Mr. Adams returned this messa^^c 
to Governor Gage, " I trust I have long since, made my peace 
with the King of kings. No personal consideration shall 
mduce me to abandon the righteous cause of my country. 
Tell Governor Gage, it is the advice of Samuel Adams to 
him, no longer to insult the feelings of an exasperated peo^ 
pie." 

When it is recollected that his pecuniary embarrassments 
were urgent, and that his situation was peculiarly perilous, 
being marked out as an object of ministerial vengeance, 
this rejection of favor and gain — and a steady adherence to 
the cause of his country, whose prospects were far from 
promising, evinces an integrity of principle, and a patriotic 
virtue, which would have been celebrated in the brightest pe- 
riods of Grecian or Roman history. The immediate conse- 
quence of this message to Governor Gage was, the issuing his 
memorable proclamation of his majesty's pardon to all of his 
misguided subjects, who should forthwith lay down their arms, 
and submit themselves, from which royal clemency and spe- 
cial favor, Samuel Adams and John Hancock only were 
excluded. This honorable exception operated powerfully to 
bind them still more strongly in the confidence and affection 
of the people ; and prepared the way for their future promo- 
tion and advancement in public life. No event could have 
occurred at that time, better calculated to enhance their popu- 
larity in the community at large, for the support of whose 



5 



60 SAMUEL ADAMS, 

rights and dearest interests they had become such promi- 
nent champions, as to render them thus obnoxious to royal 
vengeance. To the people, it was a pledge of their future 
fidelity in every trust. And, to themselves, it was a perpetual 
stimulant to greater exertions, in opposing the encroachments 
of despotic power. 

Mr. Adams, from his first admission into the Massachu. 
setts house of assembly, as a representative of Boston, ap- 
pears to have taken the lead in all the important measures 
presented for discussion. He was the first and most efficient 
member of that house, when delegates were chosen to repre- 
sent the colony of Massachusetts in the first continental con- 
gress that met in Philadelphia. He projected the measure ; 
and at a time when men's minds were not maturely decided 
on the expediency of the project, he, by his activity and 
address, procured a meeting of some influential members, 
whose opinion in its favor he secured ; by perseverance he 
obtained a majority to act with him ; and then in a secret ses- 
sion, five delegates were elected, notwithstanding the gover- 
nor issued his official injunction to stay their proceedings, and 
to dissolve the assembly. Mr. Adams was one of the five 
delegates chosen on this occasion. In this transaction, the 
authority of the governor was put at defiance, and the door 
of their hall bolted against his entrance. His secretary, who 
was sent with a commission to dissolve the assembly, was re- 
fused admission, and staid on the door-steps outside, while 
the key was safely lodged in Samuel Adams's pocket. 

Having now succeeded in obtaining the concurrence of 
the assembly to send delegates to the congress, and having 
been designated as one of the number, on the fifth day of the 
month of September, 1774, he took his seat in congress, 
in the city of Philadelphia. Of that great national assembly, 
he continued an active and efficient member until 1781, ex- 
hibiting an example of persevering attention to the numerous 
duties that devolved on him ; a parallel to which can hardly 
be found. His name is to be found among the signers of 
the Declaration of Independence. 

During his whole i^rm of congressional life, he was ac- 
tively employed in promoting those great national measures, 
which were devised and pursued for sustaining the nation un- 
til the happy termination of the great struggle in which it was 
engaged. The journals of congress, during that period, from 
time to time, will show his name on almost every important 
committee appointed by that body. In the most gloomy sea- 



MASSACHUSETTS. 51 

sons, and in those times when the prospects of the countiy 
were the most disheartening and adverse, when the hearts 
of many and even some of the members of that body were 
faihng them for fear, he always kept up a cheerful spirit, 
and mildly reproved others for showing indications of des- 
pondency, well knowing that congress was looked to for an 
example by the people, and that such indications would pro- 
duce a most unhappy influence through the community. 

He had been accustomed for years, to confide in a just 
over-ruling Providence. He felt assured that the cause of 
his country was just and righteous ; and during the darkest 
times of the war, which had been waged by the colonists for 
protecting their chartered rights against arbitrary usurpation, 
he always was persuaded, that ultimately success would 
crown their labors. " He trusted in God, and he was not 
confounded." 

In 1781 Mr. Adams retired from congress, and returned 
to Boston, his place of domestic residence. After so long a 
term spent in the service of the public, and having largely 
participated in the most important transactions which led to 
a final separation of the colonies from the parent country, and 
to their establishment as an independant sovereign nation ; on 
the near prospect of terminating hostilies in peace, and hav- 
ing obtained the great objects for which the country had 
taken up arms, by the acknowledgment of their independence 
by Great Britain ; at. his time of life, it might have seemed 
desirable to him to be allowed to pass his future years in the 
tranquillity of private life. But his fellow citizens still felt 
that they wanted his services, and by prefemnghimto public 
employment, they designed to manifest their continued con- 
fidence in him, and thus to express a grateful sense of obli- 
gations to him for his former patriotic exertions, and their 
approbation of his wisdom and fidelity. He was a member 
of the convention which formed the constitution of Massa- 
chusetts, and of the committee which drafted it. 

He was successively a member of the senate of the com- 
monweahh, president of that body, and a member of the 
convention of that state, which adopted the federal constitu- 
tion of the United States. To these several expressions of 
the respect and attachment of his fellow citizens, ensued an 
election to the offices of lieutenant governor, and governor of 
the commonwealth. In the latter office he was annually re- 
elected, until age and infirmities required him to retire to 
private life. He died on the 3d day of October, 1803, in 
the eighty-second year of his age. 



52 ROBERT TREAT PAINE, 



ROBERT TREAT PAINE. 

Robert Treat Paine was born in Boston, 1731. His 
parents were esteemed for their piety and respectability. His 
father was educated for the gospel ministry, and was for a 
few years pastor of a church in Weymouth, in the colony of 
Massachusetts. But his health being feeble, he found him. 
self unable to perform the duties of the pastoral office, and 
he sought and obtained his dismission from the people of his 
charge. For the same reason, he also relinquished the mi- 
nistry, and removed to Boston, where he entered on the busi- 
ness of merchandise. His mother was the daughter of the 
Rev. Mr. Treat, who was settled in Eastham, in the county 
of Barnstable. His maternal grandfather was Governor 
Treat, of Connecticut. His maternal grandmother was a 
daughter of the Rev. Samuel Willard, of Boston, who was 
much respected and greatly celebrated for piety and learn- 
ing by his contemporaries. 

If we remember the ardent piety of a large portion of the 
people of New England at that early period, their strict 
moral observances, and the careful attention which was given 
by parents to the cuUivation of correct principles in their 
children, it will be very natural to conclude, that the mind 
of young Paine was cultivated with pious care. Such was 
the fact. 

To prepare him for entering college, his father placed him 
under the instruction of the same Mr. Lovell, to whom the 
preliminary education of John Adams, Hancock, and others, 
who became distinguished in after life, had been intrusted. 

From this time but little is known of him, till after he gra- 
duated ; except that he was entered a member of Harvard 
College, at the age of 14 years. 

After he left the university, he devoted himself for some 
months to keeping a school ; an employment in which a largo 
proportion of the literary men of all professions in New Eng- 
land, have been engaged during a part of their lives. 

Having closed his business of school keeping, he made a 
voyage to Europe. To this he was induced by fihal piety. 
His father proving unsuccessful in his business, had become 
reduced in his pecuniary circumstances, and was afflicted 
with sickness in some members of his family. 

Mr. Paine pursued the study of theology for some time, 
and served as a chaplain, in an expedition of the provincial 



MASSACHUSETTS. 53 

troops to the north, in 1755 ; and he occasionally preached 
for some of the ministers in Boston, and the neighborhood. 

But for some reasons, the nature of which we are left 
to infer, he thought proper to renounce the ministry of the 
gospel for the bar. This subject, however, is not deemed 
of sufficient importance to merit an investigation. Having 
resolved on the measure, he entered the office of Benjamin 
Pratt, a barrister of considerable distinction in the county of 
SuiTolk, in the province of Massachusetts Bay, and subse- 
quently chief justice of the colony of New York. While 
pursuing the study of law, he was necessitated to resort again 
to the employment of school keeping, to procure the requisite 
means for defraying his expenses. 

On his being admitted to the bar, he settled in Boston, but 
after a short residence there he removed to Taunton, the 
shire town of Bristol county, thirty-six miles from Boston. 
In that town he resided many years, and had often to mea- 
sure his strength, as an opposing advocate, with the celebra- 
ted Timothy Ruggles, a gentleman much distinguished for 
some singular traits of character, and more extensively known 
by the appellation of " Brigadier Ruggles ;" of whom many 
singular anecdotes are even now related in that region. To 
Brigadier Ruggles Mr. Paine soon became a formidable 
rival in business ; and this at that era, was viewed as an hon- 
orable testimony in his favor, and an indication of no incon- 
siderable merit in the pubhc estimation. 

Although Mr. Paine decidedly espoused the cause of civil 
liberty, as being the cause of the people of the colonies, in 
opposition to the oppressive measures of the ministry ; and 
acted in unison with the other patriots of the age in that re- 
gion ; yet he seems to have conducted himself with so much 
prudence and discretion, that he possessed the full confidence 
of the executive of the province. For an attempt having 
been made to evade the revenue laws (which were of recent 
date and very obnoxious to the people,) in Bristol county, by 
clandestinely removing by night from the custody of the re- 
venue officer, some property lately imported into that county 
from abroad, on which duties were payable ; and when the of- 
ficer was about to take possession of the property, to subject 
it to the exactions of the law, he was opposed by force ; an 
application was made to the governor and council for redress. 
To provide the requisite relief, a commission of five magis- 
trates was appointed in that county, to investigate the matter 
of complaint, and support the officer in performing his legal 



54 ROBERT TREAT PAINE, 

duties. Mr. Paine was designated as a member of that com- 
mission, and he discharged the duty thus devolved on him, 
in connection with his colleagues, in a manner which received 
the full and entire approbation of the executive. 

In 1768, after Governor Barnard had dissolved the legis- 
lature, because they had with closed doors resolved on send- 
ing a circular to the other colonies, requesting them to act 
in concert for the public good, which circular they would not 
rescind to gratify his excellency ; some leading men of Bos- 
ton called a convention of delegates from the several towns 
in the province, to devise measures for protecting the rights 
of the people against the encroachments which the ministe- 
rial party had been systematically pursuing, Mr. Paine at- 
tended as delegate from Taunton. 

When the soldiers, who had perpetrated the Boston Mas- 
sacre, were arraigned for trial on the charge of murder, he 
was employed by the town of Boston as counsel against the 
prisoners. The attorney general, whose official duty it was 
to prosecute, was unable to attend the court by reason of 
sickness. It became necessary to provide a substitute. The 
occasion was one of singular interest with all parties. And 
the selection of Mr. Paine for the station, if we consider the 
state of the times and the peculiar excitement existing among 
the people, is a strong indication of the estimation in whicli 
they viewed him, both as a firm patriot and an able lawyer. 

The opinion of his talents and patriotic integrity, which 
was entertained by the inhabitants of Taunton at that critical 
period, when the public were universally agitated and dis- 
trustful, may be inferred from the various appointments to 
which they successively preferred him. In 1773 there was 
a committee of vigilance and correspondence established in 
the several towns in the province, with one of a similar cha- 
racter in Boston. Mr. Paine was chairman of that commit- 
tee in Taunton. In the year following, the citizens elected 
him a representative to the provincial legislature ; and again 
in 1774. This included the time when Chief Justice Oliver 
was impeached on a charge of receiving his stipend directly 
from the king, instead of the established usage of a grant 
from the general assembly. And he was one of the mana- 
gers appointed by the house of representatives, to prosecute 
that impeachment. This impeachment of Mr. Justice Oliver 
was placed on the ground, that he was by reason of the mode 
of receiving his compensation, rendered more liable to be 
swayed by ministerial iaOuence, being himself dependant on 



MASSACHUSETTS. 55 

the king directly for his salary, and entirely independent of 
the people, in whose courts he presided, and to whose de- 
cision their controversies and interests were subjected. 

Mr. Paine was among the first of those, in Massachusetts, 
who advocated the appointment of delegates to a continental 
congress — was a member of that assembly by which the 
measure was resolved on, in a session of that body, after they 
had closed their doors against those active messengers, whom 
Governor Gage had sent to dissolve the assembly but who 
were refused admission ; Mr. Paine was one of those chosen 
to represent Massachusetts in the first congress of the states, 
that convened in Philadelphia. He was returned to the same 
body the next year ; and the continued confidence of his 
townsmen was manifested by their electing him a member of 
the provincial congress, which met in Concord, in the autumn 
of 1774 and spring of 1775. By that body he was placed on 
a committee to consider the state of the province. 

In ordinary circumstances of peace, when the public 
mind is tranquil, when there exists nothing to excite suspi- 
cion and alarm, incidents like these just recited, would justly 
be considered as of trivial importance. But it was not so 
in the instance before us. Then every interest of the peo- 
pie was known to be in jeopardy ; there was a settled pur- 
pose, on the part of the British government, to subject the 
colonies to their absolute control ; to tax them arbitrarily, 
according to their pleasure ; to withdraw all evidence of char- 
tered rights from their possession ; and to render the colonists 
entirely subservient to their will and pleasure. Ail this was 
well understood by the citizens. And, what rendered their 
situation still more perplexing, there was no inconsiderable 
portion of the inhabitants, concerning whose fidelity to their 
interests they were justly very suspicious. They felt it to 
be, as in truth it was, very important, when selecting men to 
perform the duties of any public office, to choose such only 
as were decidedly with them in principle and feeling, who 
possessed superior talents, in whose firmness, decision, pa- 
triotism, and virtue, they had confidence ; and such as would 
be vigilant sentinels to guard and protect them against all 
invasions of their birthright and possessions. In such a time 
it was that Mr. Paine was ushered into public life, and such 
were the testimonials of the people's confidence repeatedly 
given him. It is on these grounds, and for these reasons, 
that they are considered as valuable records, worthy of being 
inserted in his biography. 



5t> ROBERT TREAT PAINE, 

Among the many cares which devolved on him, as a com- 
missioner, those relating immediately to the war may be no- 
ticed with propriety. It is well known that the colonies, at 
the commencement of the revolutionary war, were very dc- 
ficient in fire arms and ammunition — articles indispensible for 
prosecuting it with success. Congress early took these sub- 
jects into their consideration, with a view to furnishing them. 
They appointed a committee to introduce and encourage the 
manufacture of saltpetre ; of which committee Mr. Paine 
was chairman. In this business his labors were abundant : 
and the success of the measures proposed and the plans sug- 
gested, was very beneficial to the country. 

In the autumn of 1775 he was deputed by congress, with two 
colleagues, to visit the army under the command of General 
Schuyler, which was on the nortiiern frontier. A commission 
of this kind is of a delicate character, and requires prudence, 
wisdom, and sound discretion in those entrusted with its execu- 
tion. In this case the duties were important, and the powers 
committed to the deputies almost unlimited ; yet they were 
discharged to the entire satisfaction of congress. He was 
then placed on a committee, of which he was chairman, to 
make contracts for muskets and bayonets, and to encourage 
and promote the manufacture of fire arms. 

In, 1775 Massachusetts having formed their constitution, 
organized thf^ir courts. John Adams was selected for the chief 
justice, and Mr. Paine was appointed one of the side judges. 
But of that appointment he declined acceptance, and was 
again returned a member of congress in December, 1775. 
In April, 1776, he was on a committee for procuring cannon 
for the public service. And in June foUowmg, he, Mr. Jei^- 
ferson, and Mr. Rutledge, by appointment, reported rules for 
regulating congress in their debates. In the same month he 
was designated with others to investigate the causes of the 
miscarriages of the plans which had been adopted for making 
an impression in Canada. And on the fourth day of July, 
he was present, and fully prepared, to affix his signature to 
that instrument which severed for ever, from the parent go- 
vernment of Great Britain, the United States of North Ame. 
rica, and introduced them to the rank of an independent peo- 
ple among the sovereign nations of the world. 

He was chosen a delegate to congress again, for 1777, and 
1778, and during a portion of that period was employed in several 
offices in the government of Massachusetts, and a part of the 
session of their legislature he was speaker of the house of 



MASSACHUSETTS. S7 

representatives ; and in 1777, he was appointed attorney 
general of the commonwealth, by an unanimous vote of the 
council and house of representatives. 

Such was the fluctuating value of the currency of the 
country, that it was deemed necessary, in order to sustain the 
operations of the government, to adopt some measure for 
giving it a standard value. For this delicate purpose a com- 
mission was designated to meet at New Haven, in Connecti- 
cut. He was one of the committee chosen by Massachusetts. 
Indeed, either in his native state, or as their delegate to con. 
gress, his whole time was engrossed by incessant employ- 
ment to promote the great interests of his country ; and this at 
the time when her prospects were more gloomy, and her 
burdens more oppressive, than at any other period of the 
struggle in which she was involved. 

Early in the year 1778, it was proposed to form a consti- 
tution of civil govenmient for Massachusetts, and Mr. Paine 
was one of a committee for that purpose, appointed by the 
legislature. As the draught which that committee presented, 
did not meet with acceptance by the people, the business 
was resumed in the year following ; and he was chosen a 
delegate to the convention which formed the constitution, 
and one of the committee which reported the constitution. 
It was adopted in 1780, and has been in operation almost 
half a century, having experienced only some slight amend- 
ments in the meantime. 

He held the office of attorney general until 1790, when, 
having been appointed a judge of the supreme judicial court, 
he took his seat on the bench ; although for reasons which 
operated at the time of his appointment to the office at a for- 
mer period, he had dechned it. He continued to discharge 
the duties of a judge until 1804, a period of fourteen years ; 
at which time he was admonished by age and infirmities, to 
retire from active Ufe. He was, however, elected to the 
office of counsellor of the commonwealth for the year 1804. 

He died in 1814, at the age of eighty-four years. He de- 
voted a large portion of the active years of his long life to 
the public service, in which he had filled numerous and va- 
rious offices ; the several duties of which he performed with 
usefulness and fidelity to his country. 

He was ostensibly stern in his deportment, and austere in 
his manners ; but kind and gentle in his family, and sincere 
and warm in his friendships. He took a lively and feeling 
interest in the civil, literary, and religious institutions of the 



58 ELBRIDGE GERRY, 

country, particularly of his native New England; and mani- 
fested, on all proper occasions, his sense of the great impor- 
tance of the religious establishments of New England, in their 
connection with the welfare of society. 

Thus lived, and thus died Robert Treat Paine, whose name- 
will go down to future ages in the history of his times, us 
one of the fathers of the American republic, and one of the 
patriotic founders of the infant nation. And to him will be- 
long the distinguished honor of having, together with his col- 
leagues, heroically affixed his name to the Declaration ot 
the Independence of the United States of North America. 



•»mhO@644<^ 



ELBRIDGE GERRY. 

Tins gentleman, whose name is inscribed on the Declara- 
tion of Independence of the United States of North America, 
was born in the province of Massachusetts, in the town of 
Marblehead, in July, 1744. This town is situated about 14 
miles N. E. of Boston, and borders on Massachusetts Bay. 
It is built in a rustic manner, and its inhabitants have been, 
at all times, distinguished for their hardy and successful 
enterprise in prosecuting the fisheries, particularly the cod 
fishery. Here his father settled, and found ample scope for 
exerting his commercial enterprise. And here, by his per- 
severing and successful industry, he acquired a considerable 
fortune. Being possessed of the requisite means, he deter- 
mined to give his son a literary education ; and for this pur- 
pose, after having obtained the necessary preparation, by the 
usual course of studies, he was entered a member of Harvard 
university. During his collegiate term, he acquired the re- 
putation of a good scholar ; and at its close, graduated a 
bachelor of arts m 1762. 

Soon after his return from college, he entered into com- 
merce ; and prosecuted it with such success, that in a few 
years he had acquired a handsome property and established 
a very favorable character among his fellow citizens. Hav- 
ing previously to that period devoted his attention to the pro- 
jiress of events in relation to Great Britain and his native 
country, and he early became persuaded with his compatriots 
of Massachusetts^ that measures were fast ripening for open 



MASSACHUSETTS. 50 

liostilities. Although for many reasons they sincerely depre- 
cated such a result, yet they soon found it necessary, in 
order to meet it in the best manner they could, to adopt such 
preUminary measures as the condition of the colonies would 
admit of. As Mr. Gerry had become popular in his native 
town, and had manifested decision of purpose, and much in- 
telligence on those subjects which interested every indivi- 
dual in the community, he was early selected by his fellow 
citizens to represent them in the general court of the pro- 
vince. In the latter part of May, 1773, he appeared the 
first time in that body, as a representative of Marblehead ; 
and very soon became distinguished as a leading, fearless, 
active, and zealous member, and as one of the influential 
political leaders in the country, in opposition to the British 
ministry, and their hostile measures towards the North Ame- 
rican colonies. Having been called to act his part in the 
new theatre he had now entered, he seems to have been 
qualified like the other patriots who were destined to take 
their several parts, as actors with him in the great drama, 
and well fitted to perform them in the best manner for the 
future and lasting benefit of the country. The crisis was 
appalling ; the rencounter, tremendous ; but he and his dis- 
tinguished fellow laborers were found adequate to meet it ; 
and they came out of the conflict with triumph. 

Mr. Gerry was an active and useful member of all the 
important committees of vigilance, of correspondence, and 
of devising and putting in operation measures of defence 
against the designs of the foes. A civil war was deprecated 
by all the leading patriots of that day. But ine measures 
which the British government had long pursued towards the 
colonies, had fully persuaded them that it must take place ; 
that they could no otherwise avoid it, than by submitting pas- 
sively to whatever impositions the ministry might please to 
lay on them. This only other alternative was wholly inad- 
missible, and they unitedly determined to prepare for the storm 
in the best manner they were able, contend with it manfully, 
and triumph or perish. Although that era is still remembered, 
and its terrors are yet fresh in the minds of many still living, 
a few years only will pass away, and they will be known to 
the living, only as facts recorded in the history of the times. 

During the administration of Governor Hutchinson, in Mas- 
sachusetts, some person, (supposed to have been the gover- 
nor himself) had written, and forwarded to England, letters 
of an inflammatory character, which were designed to increase 



m ELBRIDGE GERRY, 

the bitter feelings that existed in the government at home, to- 
wards the inhabitants of that province. By some means, 
Doctor FrankUn, then in England, got possession of them, and 
forwarded them to his friend in Boston. Soon after they had 
been received and canvassed, Mr. John Adams introduced 
resolutions into the general court, which had a direct relation 
to the governor ; and which probably hastened his return to 
England. Mr. Gerry, though young in public life, united 
with Adams and others in supporting and prosecuting the 
objects comprised in those resolutions. He also united 
with him in most of those measures which he instituted about 
that time ; and which ultimately terminated in the prostration 
of the royal government in Massachusetts. 

He took an active part, with his associates, in impeaching 
the judges ; in opposing the importation of tea ; the Boston 
port bill; in establishing a non-intercourse system ; and 
in arranging an intercourse with the other colonies, for or- 
ganizing and securing effectuat measures of defence, against 
the encroachments of the British upon their liberties and pri- 
vileges. He was ever active in concerting the most efficient 
measures for securing and guarding the pubHc welfare. 
These were numerous ; but not necessary to be repeated here, 
as they are carefully enumerated in the lives of some of his 
colleagues, who inscribed their names on the same document 
which bears his. 

Mr. Gerry was a member of the first provincial congress, 
which was organized in Salem, and adjourned to Concord, 
in Massachusetts. This was soon after Governor Gage suc- 
ceeded Governor Hutchinson. In that congress, he was an 
active and leading member ; and zealously promoted all the 
important measures which they adopted. At the expiration 
of the term for which the delegates were chosen to this first 
congress of the province, a second was organized. Of this 
also he was a member ; and was placed on the two great 
committees of safety and supplies. These committees were 
executive, and required the utmost activity and vigilance. 
The times and circumstances of the country, were such as 
rendered these indispensable. They had an artful power to 
oppose, which was planning to collect in Boston, all the arms, 
cannon, and ammunition, which had been deposited in differ- 
ent towns in the province, that they might be under the con- 
trol of the government, and arrested from the power of the 
iuhabitants. This was in the year 1775 ; the year in which 



MASSACHUSETTS. 61 

the British force marched to Concord, and Lexington, where 
open hostilities between the two countries commenced. 

It was during Ihe march of the English force to Concord, 
through Cambridge, when the committee of supplies had 
been in session, that Mr. Gerry, and Colonels Lee and Orne, 
had remained over night. They were very near being captured 
by a detachment that surrounded the house in which they 
were lodged. With much difficulty, however, they made 
their escape to a secure retreat, with very little covering be- 
side their night-dresses. There they concealed themselves 
until the danger to which they had been exposed had passed 
by. They then returned, and spread the alarm among the 
inhabitants. 

On the night preceding the battle of Bunker's Hill, Mr. 
Gerry, with his intimate friend. General Warren, who fell in 
that engagement, retired to the same bed. In the morning 
they separated with an affectionate farewell, to meet no more 
in this world. Mr. Gerry went, as his duty called him, to at- 
tend a meeting of the congress in Watertown on that day; 
and Warren, to meet death on Bunker's memorable battle- 
ground. 

Mr. Gerry was appointed a judge of the court of admiralty, 
by the first general assembly that was chosen, as a substitute 
for the provincial congress, which had for some time constitu- 
ted the civil cjovernment of the state. It was an office of 

• nil 

much importance, and considerable emolument. But he de- 
clined accepting the appointment, because he preferred a 
more active life, which he thought better adapted to his age 
and his habits ; and in which he was convinced he should be 
more useful in promoting the cause of his fellow citizens. 
This decision did not lessen the confidence they had reposed 
in him ; for, in January, 1776, he was chosen a member of 
the continental congress, then sitting in Philadelphia, with 
Hancock, Paine, and the two Adams. In this body, where 
there was important business enough to occupy the attention, 
and demand the talents of all, Mr. Gerry was early ap- 
pointed to act on many of the most important interests of the 
public. To him and his colleagues, were committed the se- 
veral duties of superintending the treasury, of reporting the 
best method of supplying the army in Canada — for raising 
the necessary supplies for defraying the expenses of the war, 
for the year 1778 ; and various other stations, the duties of 
which were momentous, and of vast importance to the na- 
tional success. In the performance of these duties, he was 

6 



62 ELBRIDGE GERRY, 

active, and acquitted himself with fideUty, to the approbti^ 
tion of congress, and the state which he represented. This 
was fully evinced by their appointing him again to represent 
them the following year, in the same honorable body. In 
1777, he was not only continued in the several employments 
which had been assigned to him the year preceding, but ap- 
pointed to others, various in their objects and details, and in- 
volving an importance in their consequences, fully equal to 
any with which he had been before intrusted. Among these 
was " a committee of commerce ;" a committee to visit the 
main army under Washington, to adjust some difficulties 
in the commissary department. He, with Mr. Livingston 
and Mr. Clymer, were instructed to repair to head quarters : 
and were vested with full powers to adopt whatever measures 
the state of the case rendered necessary. 

When the subject of the confederation came before con- 
gress, which measure was fuund necessary for providing a 
more efficient government than had hitherto been adopted 
by the existing congress — Mr. Gerry resolutely opposed the 
measure, brought forward by the delegates from Virginia, 
for depriving the small states of their equal representation in 
congress; and of allowing votes in proportion to population. 
The subsequent formation of the federal constitution, and its 
adoption by the people of the several states, have furnished 
proof of the correctness of his views, in relation to that sub- 
ject, even at that early period. It was vehemently urged by 
delegates from Virginia, and some other of the large states ; 
but as strenuously opposed by those of the small states, who 
found zealous coadjutors in Mr. Gerry, and his colleagues. 

When his friend and colleague, Hancock, vacated the 
office of president of congress, after having held it for nearly 
three years, a vote of thanks to him was proposed by a mem- 
ber from another state. This Mr. Gerry opposed as anti- 
republican, (though personally his warm friend,) and as tend- 
ing to render such testimonies unimportant by their frequenc)^ 
During his subsequent continuance in congress, Mr. Gerry 
was laboriously engaged in the various measures which were 
projected by himself and others, for remedying existing evils 
relative to the army department, and giving effect and success 
to the military operations. This department appears to have 
been a favorite one with him ; and for promoting its interests 
he seems to have been peculiarly and happily adapted in his 
views and disposition. 

After having devoted about five years of his time exclu- 



MASSACHUSETTS. 63 

sively to the service of the public in congress, in 1780 he 
retired, with a view to his private affairs, which had suffered 
by reason of his absence, and which required his immediate 
superintendence. In 1783, however, he was, by joint ballot 
of both houses of the legislature, again returned a member of 
congress. He was elected in June, and took his seat in 
August ; and he immediately entered on the course of active 
iisefulnesss which he had formerly pursued. His extensive 
acquaintance with financial concerns, the warm interest he 
felt for every thing which regarded the welfare of the army, 
and the large experience he had acquired in almost every 
department of public affairs, at once designated him to con- 
gress as a candidate for his former stations on the most im- 
portant committees appointed by that body. His knowledge 
of the intricate business of finance, pointed him out as a com- 
,petent member of a committee for revising the system, which 
Jiad long been conducted in a loose and embarrassing man- 
ner, and to suggest and devise such improvements, as the 
condition and circumstances of the country were susceptible 
of. To his qualifications for this important service, the late 
President Adams bears full testimony, in a letter written some 
years since ; in which he also gives him the honorable credii 
of having, while a member of the committee of finance, ori- 
ginated the most valuable provisions of the system subse- 
quently adopted, and now in successful operation. No man 
was Jbetter acquainted with his character and qualifications 
than Mr. Adams. 

It would exceed the limits which can be allowed to this 
sketch, were we to specify all the particulars in which Mr. 
Gerry zealously advocated the interests of the army ; and 
urged an honorable remuneration of the officers and soldiers, 
for their patient endurance of privations and sufferings, and 
their meritorious and patriotic services. He was ^^v,^ from 
the first their sincere, warm-hearted, and zealous advocate : 
insomuch that they voluntarily gave him the title of the " Sol- 
dier's Friend." 

In December, 1784, he took his seat in the old congress 
for the last time. During this term, the same honorable con- 
fidence in congress in his talents, integrity, and patriotism, so 
long manifested, was continued ; and he justified it by his 
fidelity and activity in performing the duties which continually 
devolved on him. 

Having served his country in congress, through various 
seasons of trial and difficulty, with honor to himself and bene- 



64 ELBRIDGE GERRY, 

fit to the public, he retired in September, 1785, to his native 
state, and fixed his residence at Cambridge, the seat of Har- 
vard university, a few miles from Boston, where he had re- 
eeived his collegiate education. From this retirement he was 
again called to take an active part in forming a new constitu- 
tion of government, the old confederation having been found| 
insufficient for the exigencies of the nation in a time of peace, 
however well it had answered in a time of war, when a sense 
of common danger, and the external pressure of a powerful 
foreio-n enemy bore strongly upon the states. He was chosen a 
delegate to the convention, which met at Philadelphia, when 
the present constitution of the United States was formed. 
Many of the leading principles incorporated in the constitu- 
tion, he strenuously opposed. And so objectionable did it 
appear to him, as a whole, that he never subscribed the instru- 
ment. He wrote a long letter to his constituents, in which 
iie assigned his reasons ai length for disapproving of it. Nor 
has it ever been ascertained that his objections were so obvi- 
ated, as that he cordially approved of it ; though after its adop- 
tion, he deemed it to be his duty, and the duty of all, to support 
it with fidelity. 

After it had become the supreme law, and the states which 
had adopted it were prepared to elect their representatives 
to the first congress, under its auspices, (Massachusetts hav- 
ing been divided into districts for electing representatives,) 
Mr. Gerry was chosen to represent the district in which he ' 
resided. This was not, however, without considerable oppo- 
sition, as his objections to the constitution had rendered him 
unpopular with a considerable portion of the community. He 
was twice returned a member of the house of representatives 
under the new constitution, and served during the four years, 
in a manner correspondent with his former activity and intel- 
hgence in the old congress. At the close of his second term, 
he was again proposed by his constituents as a candidate ; 
but he declined standing for another election ; and retired 
once more to his own residence at Cambridge. 

From his retirement he was called by the first President 
Adams, who nominated him, together with Messrs. Pinkney 
and Marshall, an envoy to the French republic. It was soon 
after Citizen Genet had arrived in the United States, as mi- 
nister from France to our government. Taking advantage 
of the enthusiastic predilection of republican institutions, and 
their ignorance of the characters and designs of the then rulers 
of France, this minister had artfully excited party divisions 



MASSACHUSETTS. G5 

in the states, which have not ceased to this day. After Mr. 
Pinckney had been refused by that government to be received 
as a minister plenipotentiary from the government of the 
United States ; and when the poHtical relations of the two 
nations were in a very critical situation, it must be acknow- 
ledged that the appointment, though highly important, was 
of a singularly delicate character. The joint mission was 
not received ; and after remaining some time unaccredited, 
and holding an unofficial intercourse with the French govern- 
ment, in the spring of 1798, Messrs. Pinckney and Marshall 
were ordered to quit the French territory, with an intimation 
that Mr. Gerry was desired to remain. In the excited state 
of feeling in this country, and which was greatly aggravated 
by this indignity cast on the people by the treatment their 
envoys had received at the hands of the French rulers, it 
was considered improper in Mr. Gerry, not immediately to 
reject the proffer, and with his colleagues instantly leave 
the French territory. But he deemed it his duty to remain. 
He did so. And by so doing, he degraded himself in the esti- 
mation of a large portion of the people of this nation, who 
felt for the honor and independence of their government ; 
and rose in the estimation of another portion of the people, 
who, at that period, entertained a strong partiality for the 
French republic. From that period of strong party excitement 
the great popularity which he had enjoyed with many of his 
revolutionary friends declined. 

After his return from France, the party in Massachusetts, 
with which he was now identified, selected him as their can- 
didate for governor. The first effort was unsuccessful. The 
next year he declined being a candidate for the office ; but 
consented to run as an elector of president and vice president. 

In 1810, he consented to stand again as a candidate for 
the office of governor of the commonwealth. In this attempt 
his partizans succeeded ; and the following year he was re- 
elected to the same honorable office. The period when he 
acted as governor of Massachusetts, was one in which party 
politics were in a high state of excitemen' ; and as he had 
become identified with that party which assumed the name 
Republican, it would hardly be expected that a man of his 
temperament would be able, if disposed, wholly to exempt 
himseif from the sway of party influence. 

After Mr. Jefferson's election as president of the United 
States, many members of both houses of congress, to ensure 
their ascendency in future, commenced the system of what 

6* 



«6 STEPHEN HOPKINS, 

was emphatically stiled, caucus nominations. By this means, 
although pretending to act only in their individual capacity, 
but departing entirely from the spirit of the constitution, in 
violation of every true principle of real republicanism, they 
by publicly nominating, virtually elected, the two first officers 
of the government. It was during the existence of this power-, 
ful system, that Mr. Gerry was nominated by a congres- 
sional caucus, for the office of vice president of the United 
States. He was of course elected ; and after having sustained 
the office, and performed its duties as president of the senate, 
during a part of two sessions of congress, and less than two 
years from his inauguration, he suddenly closed his life in 
Washington City, November 23, 1814, at the age of seventy 
years. His remains are entombed in the congressional ce- 
metery in Washington City ; and a handsome monument 
was erected by direction of congress over his remains. 



RHODE ISLAND. 



'^Mf9@0^~- 



STEPHEN HOPKINS. 

Stephen Hopkins was a native of the colony of Rhode 
Island and Providence Plantations. He was born in what 
was then the town of Providence, but is now, by a subsequent 
division of that town, within the limits of Scituate. His birth 
occurred on the 7th day of March, 1707. His father was 
William Hopkins, an only child of his parents ; and his mo- 
ther was Ruth Wilkinson, a daughter of one of the first bap- 
tist ministers of Providence. 

Stephen was favored with but few advantages for procuring 
an education in early life. Those he did enjoy, were not 
extended beyond what could be derived from an ordinary 
country school. He advantageously improved these, so that 
he acquired an excellent acquaintance with penmanship, and 
to some extent with mathematics. He was a good practical 
surveyor of lands. 

His early occupation, like that of his father, was tiUing his 



HHODE ISLAND. 67 

farm. He prosecuted the business of a farmer until 1731, 
when he sold his estate in Scituate, and removed to Provi- 
dence. There he afterwards made his home to the close of 
his \ife. 

His first public employment, was the town clerkship of 
Scituate, from which he rose by a regular gradation to the 
first offices in the gift of the state. He was governor and 
chief justice of the state alternately ; and had filled almost 
every office of a subordinate grade, in his progress to the 
highest honors. Industry and perseverance were prominent 
traits of his character. 

He was chosen a representative for Scituate to the general 
assembly, first in 1732 ; and was re-chosen annually until 
' 1738, inclusive. Again he was chosen in 1741, and became 
I speaker of the house of representatives. After he removed 
into Providence, he commenced mercantile business ; but 
such was the popular confidence in him, that he was elected 
by the people of that town the year he became an inhabitant 
of it, to the same office ; and he was continued in the chair 
, of speaker of the house of representatives. He was, with 
, occasional omissions, chosen a representative for Providence 
I and elected speaker of the house up to 1751 ; when he was 
I returned for the fourteenth time. In that year he received 
I the appointment of chief justice of the colony. In 1754, he 
I was a commissioner to a convention which met in Albany, 
{ consisting of delegates from the several colonies, to hold a 
j conference with the Indians, and secure their friendship ; and 
also to form some plan for security against French encroach- 
\ ments through Canada, in the approaching war. 
j In 1756, he was elected governor of tiie colony, and con- 
i tinned to discharge the duties of that office, at intervals, until 
1767, inclusive. At that time, political dissension was exten- 
sive in the colony, and parties were so much exasperated, 
that to appease them, and restore peace and harmony, he 
deemed it expedient to decline a re-election, which he did 
publicly, in an official communication to the legislature in 
session. 

In the alarming period of the French war, in 1757, Gover- 
nor Hopkins greatly exerted himself to strengthen the Eng- 
lish and colonial army, by promoting volunteer enrolments iu 
Rhode Island. It was at the time when the British forces, 
having sustained serious disasters in the preceding cam- 
paigns, were incompetent to stop the progress of the French 
under Moutcalmj and when the English settlements in the 



08 STEPHEN HOPKINS, 

north were almost without protection, that he raised a company 
of volunteers in Providence, took the command of them, to 
which they had elected him, and was about to march for the 
scene of action, when by an unexpected withdrawment of 
the French Canadians and Indians, it became unnecessary. 

After the parties, which had so long distracted and divided 
the colony, had subsided, and tranquillity had been restored, he 
appeared again in the legislature. He represented Provii | 
dence in that body in 1772, 3, 4, and 5, and in the two last 
years he represented the colony in congress, in Philadelphia! 
In 1774, he was again appointed chief justice, holding at th4| 
same time three offices, viz. that of representative of Provi- 
dence in the genera) assembly of the colony, delegate to the 
general congress, and chief justice of Rhode Island. 

The first appointment to congress was in August, 1774. 
He attended the first congress that ever met, as a national 
council, in Philadelphia, and discharged his duty with an 
honorable fidelity, which met with the approbation of his con- 
stituents. 

At this period he introduced a bill into the assembly of 
Rhode Island, to prevent the importation of slaves into the 
colony. In 1773, he manumitted all his own slaves ; and 
had, in his last will and testament, which was drawn and 
executed before that date, decreed them liberty at his decease. 

In 1775, he sustained and executed the duties of the im- 
portant office of a member of the committee of public safety; 
a body of men existing in all the towns of the colonies, con- 
sisting of warm-hearted and trusty men, who did as much 
in their respective spheres to promote the cause, and secure 
the liberties of the colonists, perhaps, as the several legisla- 
live bodies did in theirs. They were executive committees 
of vigilance, armed with a power undefined, and almost un- 
limited ; and they were efficient engines for carrying into 
immediate effi^ct all the measures for the public security, re- 
commended by the assemblies in tlie several provinces. 

In May, 1775, Governor Hopkins was again elected a de,. 
legate to congres:> ; and again in the same month, in 1776, 
Mr. Ellery was his colleague ; and in this year it was that 
they both voted for, and set their names to, the Declaration ot 
Independence. j 

There is a very striking feature in the signature of Mr* I 
Hopkins to that document, which has immortalized all who 
signed it ; it is the uneven, tremulous appearance, indicating 
a hand agitated by trepidation of mind. It was caused, not 



RHODE ISLAND. G9 

by fear, for he knew not fear, but by a bodily infirmity, com- 
monly stiled " shaking palsy," which had attended him for 
many years, insomuch that most of his writing was done for 
him by an amanuensis. When he attempted to affix his signa- 
ture, it was done only by steadying his right hand, as much 
as possible, with his left. 

In that alarming period, which has been emphatically 
styled "the time that tried men's souls," Mr. Hopkins was 
continually employed, and very active in some public service. 
In 1776, he was chosen a commissioner to meet with others 
from New Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Connecticut, for 
special purposes in relation to the defence of the New Eng- 
land colonies ; and when they met in Providence, he was 
chosen their president. He presided also at a similar meet- 
ing convened the following year, at Springfield, in Massa- 
chusetts. In May, 1778, he was chosen a representative to 
congress the last time ; and in the years 1777, 8, and 9, he 
was a member of the general assembly of Rhode Island, not- 
withstanding his advanced age. He was over seventy, and 
yet active and unwearied in his exertions for the public good. 
His business in early life eminently fitted him for useful- 
ness on several committees in congress, in which his services 
j were both able and valuable. This was particularly the fact, 
1 on committees for fitting out armed vessels to war against 
I the enemy's commerce ; to devise ways and means for fur- 
jnishing the colonies with a naval armament; and on the 
j rules and orders for regulating a navy. He was a member, 
I for Rhode Island, on the committee which drew up and re- 
I ported the confederation. 

I This gentleman furnishes another striking instance of the 
i power of a strong mind, and application to study, by which a 
I want of enlarged means for acquiring an early and system- 
atic education is overcome — many of which may be seen 
recorded in these biographical sketches of those truly great 
men, who exerted a commanding influence in the struggle for 
American independence. His early means for improving his 
mind, were those usually found in a common school, and 
limited at that time to reading, writing, and arithmetic. But, 
by indulging his desire after knowledge, with a close appli- 
cation to books, he stored his mind with much general in- 
formation, and became, to a good degree, a scholar, a man of 
science, and general literature. He mingled considerably in 
public debate ; but, though he always spoke to the point on 



rO STEPHEN HOPKINS, 

every subject, he was, by his brevity, sure never to weary hisf 
hearers. 

He was, in his time, a distinguished mathematician, and 
rendered great assistance in observing the transit of Venus, 
which occurred in June, 1769. 

He was friendly to diffusing the means ot education. 
Having himself felt the want of instruction in early life, and 
afterwards realized the benefits of extensive attainments in 
knowledge by his own efforts, he was desirous that others 
should possess and enjoy the means for cultivating and im- 
proving their minds on a liberal and broad foundation. He 
was a friend and patron of all measures which promoted the 
general education of youth. He was one of the prime movers 
in forming a public library in Providence, in 1750. It was 
afterwards burnt, and he assisted in re-establishing it. 

During a long period he was chancellor of Rhode Island 
college. He was also a member of the American Philosophi- 
cal Society. He was a projector and patron of the free 
schools in Providence, which have long existed in that hand- 
some and flourishing town, by which it has acquired, and long 
sustained, a reputation for the general intelligence of its in- 
habitants. 

As a man of business, whether he was employed in public 
or private service, he was eminently industrious and sys- 
tematic. 

He was an advocate for both religious and civil liberty. 
He was a regular attendant at the Friends' meeting, whose 
religious principles he professed, though it is not known that 
he was an avowed member of that society. It was often the 
fact that their meetings were held in his own house. 

He was twice united by marriage. His first wife was 
Sarah Scott, who was a descendant from the first man pro- 
fessedly of that religious persuasion who settled in Provi- 
dence. They were united in 1726. She expired in 1753, 
in the forty-seventh year of her age. Of seven children by 
her, five sons and two daughters, he lost by death four. One 
of the daughters died in childhood. 

In 1755, he was married a second time to Anna Smith. 
This was her second marriage also. She was the widow of. 
Benjamin Smith. ' 

After having served his generation with great fidelity andl 
distinguished usefulness, in the fear of God, through a long' 
and chequered life, he expired on the 13th day of July, 1785, 
in th6 seventy-ninth year of his age. 



RHODE ISLAND. 71 

His memory is much revered and respected by those who 
remember him, aad is handed down with veneration in the 
state which he served in numerous offices of public trust, and 
in the town where he resided ; and posterity will long esteem 
him their benefactor. 



•^kHO^O^" 



WILLIAM ELLERY. 

William Ellery, the subject of this brief sketch, was 
born at Newport, Rhode Island, the 22d day of December, 
1727. His father, who had himself received a liberal edu- 
cation, devoted much time and care in instructing and super- 
intending the early education of his son. By his judicious 
efforts, William earl}^ imbibed a fondness for reading, and a 
more than common eagerness for acquiring useful inform- 
ation. Having obtained the requisite qualifications for ad- 
mission to college, his father placed him at Harvard uni- 
versity in Cambridge, Massachusetts. While a member of 
that seminary he was distinguished, among his contemporary 
students, as a close applicant to books, and particularly ar- 
dent in acquiring a correct knowledge of the Greek and 
Latin languages, in which he became a singular proficient; 
and he retained his partiality for them even to his very last 
hour of life. In his hours of relaxation, from business, the 
study of the Greek and Latin classic writers was his favorite 
employment, which he uniformly perused in the original, 
without the assistance of any translation, and with the utmost 
facility. 

He passed through his collegiate term with uncommon 
industry, and graduated in 1747, at the age of twenty, with 
the reputation of being a good scholar. He immediately 
returned to the place of his nativity, and commenced the 
study of law, the profession of his choice for his future busi- 
ness of life. 

Newport was at that early date, one of the most flourish- 
ing places in the British American colonies. It lies on the 
eastern side of one of the finest harbor in the world, and 
on the western dechvity of as beautiful a rising ground as can 
be found in any portion of this widely extended country. 

Newport, at the time when Mr. Ellery commenced the 



ii WILLIAM ELLERY, 

practice of law, afforded as fair a prospect of success to a 
man of industry and talents in the profession, as almost any 
other in the country. There he opened an office, and con- 
tinued in the practice, for about twenty years. His success 
was flattering, and enabled him to acquire a competent tor- 
tune. It also presented him before his fellow citizens in a 
favorable manner, and enabled them to form a just estimate 
of his character. He closely observed, and carefully investi- 
gated, all the public measures of the government in England, 
their tendency, and the bearing they were intended to have 
upon the rights of the colonies. No citizens in the North 
American provinces, were more jealous of encroachments on 
their constitutional and chartered rights, than those of Rhode 
Island and Providence Plantations. This small colony had 
been more favored, or rather less oppressed, than some ot 
the neighboring and adjoining colonies. But, although the 
people of that colony had no particular cause of complaint ; 
they, nevertheless, beheld with the cautious jealousy o^ iree- 
dom, the encroachments attempted to be made and establish- 
ed in other provinces ; and felt a full measure of alarm at 
the arbitrary conduct of the British parliament, towards the 
neicrhboring colonies. The intelHgent and reflecting in- 
habitants of Rhode Island, clearly foresaw, if the measures 
attempted to be imposed on Massachusetts, New York, and 
some others of the provinces, were suffered to go into opera- 
tion, the same, or others equally burdensome and unconstitu- 
tional, might be put in force in their colony. This state of 
thino-s so highly interesting to the common interests ot all the 
colonies, induced the patriotic citizens of that province, to m- 
quire what measures ought to be taken to check the progress 
of the public danger. , . , 

Among these, William Ellery held a high rank m the 
esteem and confidence of his fellow citizens. 

The determination to resist encroachments on their rights, 
diffused among the citizens of that province, was nobly 
evinced in the attack on the armed sloop Liberty, by citizens 
of Newport, in June, 1769 ; and on the Gaspee in June, 1772. 
That resolute spirit had been kindled by the leading and m- 
fluential individuals, who directed the public sentiments ; and 
it was faithfully, and continually cherished by them, until it 
became a common feeling through the whole population of 

the province. 

The same spirit was again manifested in a bold and open 
defiance of the royal authority, when the proclamation reached 



RHODE ISLAND. 73 

theni^ prohibiting the importation of fire arms from Great Bri- 
tain to the colonies ; they rose in such force, that they took 
possession of the king's fort in Newport, dismantled it, and se- 
cured all the cannon, amounting to forty pieces. In truth, 
while Massachusetts and Virginia have been contesting the 
question to which belongs the honor of beginning the contest, 
that led to the independence of the American colonies, the 
truth of history awards it to the state of Rhode Island. In 
that province, there was no demurring on the great question 
of adopting decisive measures of resistance to the usurpations 
of the British parliament. The determination to resist, and 
to defend their rights, was universal ; and when the proposal 
for the meeting of a general congress of delegates from all 
the provinces in 1774 was made, it found in Rhode Island, 
an universal readiness to concur, and to elect delegates for 
the purpose. In truth, that colony was so far in advance of 
the others, in her views of what was necessary, and her 
resolution to pursue it, that by a legislative act, as early as 
May, 1776, Rhode Island withdrew her allegiance from the 
king of Great Britain, and declared herself independent of 
the British government. The reasons for taking this step, 
were published in a pamphlet by legislative authority at the 
time. 

Thus prepared, and with such feelings, Rhode Island ap- 
pointed Stephen Hopkins and William Ellery, her delegates 
to the congress which was to convene in May, 1776, to carry 
the records of their decision, and of their readiness to concur 
with the other colonies in such measures, for the common de- 
fence and common interests of the whole, as congress might 
deem it wise and expedient to adopt. Those gentlemen at- 
tended, and entered on the duties of their appointment in con- 
gress in May, 1776. 

It is well known that the old congress submitted the pro- 
jecting and maturing of all important measures to select 
committees. Mr. Ellery, as may be seen by the journals of 
congress, while he was a member, sustained his full share of 
appointments of that kind ; and he discharged the several du- 
ties assigned to him with activity, promptitude, and sound 
discretion. It was in this session, that the independence of 
the colonies was declared. He voted for it ; and signed the 
engrossed declaration, on the second day of August, 1776 ; 
the day on which the parchment was. presented to congress 
for the individual signatures of the members. 

Mr, Ellery felt a strong interest, and took an active part in 

7 



74 WILLIAM ELLERY, 

promoting whatever measures were urged for advancing the iia* 
val and marine affairs of the country. While he was thus la- 
boring to promote, and secure the best interests of the states, it 
will be recollected that his own private interests were destined, 
by their peculiarly exposed situation, to suffer by the depreda- 
tions of the British, whose hostile feelings were much embit- 
tered against the delegates to congress. Having taken pos- 
session of Newport, and the south part of Rhode Island, in 
1774, the British wreaked their resentment against Mr. Ellery, 
by burning his dwelling house, and depredating on his pro- 
perty. Notwithstanding the exposure of his estate urgently 
required his retirement from congress, with a view to its pre- 
servation, so far as it might be practicable ; being persuaded 
that his presence in his seat was requisite, he did not vacate 
it; but left his private concerns to the fate that might befall 
them. 

During the year 1778, Mr. Ellery remained in congress, 
with the exception of only a few weeks, which he spent in 
Rhode Island, throughout the year. 

In June of this year, having been empowered by the legis- 
lature, he ratified, on behalf of that state, the articles of the 
confederation. 

The few weeks which he spent in Rhode Island in 1778, 
were not devoted to his private concerns, but to the public 
benefit. 

A project had been concerted for compelling the British 
to evacuate the island ; and Mr. Ellery, believing that he 
should be more useful on the ground, than he would be by 
remaining in Philadelphia, left congress for a few weeks, and 
repaired to the scene of action to render whatever assistance 
might be in his power, in ridding the island of its invaders. 
The plan though well devised, it is known proved abortive : 
and he immediately returned to the scene of his public duties 
in Philadelphia. 

In consequence of the invasion of Rhode Island by the 
British, a number of the inhabitants were compelled to leave 
their habitations, and relinquish their employments. By rea- 
son of this necessity, they were cast destitute of the neces- 
sary means of subsistence, upon the settlements in the vicinity » 
and subjected to severe sufferings. They were in danger of 
starvation. There was an embargo laid on the exportation 
of provisions, by Connecticut and New York, which was then 
in force. Mr. Ellery exerted his influence in congress, 
to procure a recommendation from that body to the gover- 



RHODE ISLAND. 75 

Tiors of those respective states, to have their embargoes so 
far suspended, as to admit of the supplying those sufferers in 
Rhode Island, with the provisions necessary for their preser- 
vation from the distresses and horrors of famine. 

During the year 1779, in which those measures were 
adopted for the relief of his suffering fellow citizens, he was 
called to engage in two important concerns of public interest 
and of a delicate nature. The first was, arranging and set- 
tling some diplomatic difficulties, in which the commissioners 
who had been sent by congress to Europe, had become in- 
volved. The other was, an adjustment of embarrassments 
which arose from the admiralty courts, the proceedings of 
which, as they were then constituted, were found sometimes 
to lead to a conflict between the rightful authority of congress 
and that of the individual states. Mr. Ellery presented a re- 
port to congress, as the agent of the committee to which the 
business had been referred, which was adopted ; and put those 
difficulties at rest for that time. But in 1781, they again 
recurred, and the subject was again referred to him and two 
others, and the evils were once more removed. 

Early in the year 1782, Mr. Ellery was designated by 
congress, as their organ for communicating to Major General 
Greene, their sense of his important military services in the 
southern states. 

In 1784, he was one of the committee to whom the defi- 
nitive treaty of peace with Great Britain was submitted. 

One of his latest efforts in congress, in 1785, (which was his 
last year in the old congress,) was an united effort with Mr. 
Rufus King, to abolish slavery in the United States. Mr. 
King offered, and Mr. Ellery seconded the resolution for 
this purpose, and advocated it with his utmost powers. Thus 
evincing, at that early period, his view of the traffic in slaves, 
by the practice of which his state was engaged for many 
years after. 

In 1786, congress elected him commissioner of the con- 
tinental loan office for Rhode Island ; and the legislature 
of that state appointed him chief justice of their highest 
court. 

After the federal constitution was adopted, and the new 
government put in operation, he was appointed under Presi- 
dent Washington, collector of the customs for the port of 
Newport. This office he retained to the close of his life. 
The business of this office, which he conducted during the 
long term of thirty years, he managed with such consummate 



76 ROGER SHERMAN, 

prudence and carefulness, that the government sustained the 
loss of only a single bond, amounting to two hundred dollars ; 
and on that he had taken the endorsement of no less than 
five different sureties. 

The evening of his life was spent in tranquillity and in the 
enjoyment of a moderate competence. This competence he 
derived from the income of his office, and the savings he w&s 
able to make out of the wreck of his property, which the 
British had destroyed while in possession of Rhode Island. 

He read the Bible much, and from its contents, of which 
as a Divine Revelation, he was a firm believer, he derived 
his support and confidence in all the adversities of this life, 
and his hope of happiness in the life to come. He continued 
his attachment to the Latin and Greek classics, which he 
read in the original, to the last hour of his life. He had 
been perusing Tully's Offices the morning before his decease, 
sitting in his chair. A short time before he expired, with 
his consent, he was placed on a bed in a sitting posture. In 
that situation he continued to read Cicero for a short time, 
when his attendants casting their eyes upon him, found he 
was dead, but still holding his book in his hand. This event 
occurred on the 15th of February, 1820, in the ninety-third 
year of his age. 

He was worthy of the memorable age in which he lived, 
and of being associated with the venerable patriots with 
whom he acted. And the part which he performed was 
worthy of this character, as a patriot and a Christian. 



CONNECTICUT. 



ROGER SHERMAN. 

In a free nation, where the pathway to the highest offices 
and the most honorable employments, is open to every aspi- 
rant, in which there are no legal obstructions to the advance- 
ment of the poor more than the rich, it is sometimes, the 



CONNECTICUT. 77 

fact, that individual enterprise, and persevering industry, 
achieve for the children of parents in humble life, and limited 
property, what the sons of the affluent, accomodated with every 
facility, but wanting enterprise and application, are never 
able to attain. Instances have existed, and instances do now 
exist in the United States, in which this remark has been 
verified ; and since the way is equally open to all, and the 
prize is placed in clear view before them, as a sure reward 
to all who reach the goal, it may be reasonably expected, 
that many more will hereafter have it verified, as a reward 
for their honorable exertions. 

The most distinguished and the most useful men, do not 
always lay the foundation of their fame, and honorable dis- 
tinction, in the classical halls and lecture rooms of an uni- 
versity. 

Probably there have been but few instances, in which 
the preceding remarks have been more literally illustrated 
and verified, than in the one now under consideration. 

Roger Sherman's ancestor, his great grandfather, John 
Sherman, came to America, from Dedham, England, and 
settled at Watertown, Massachusetts, in the year 1635. Wil- 
liam Sherman, ihe grandson of John, and the father of 
Roger, lived at Newton in Massachusetts, where he cultiva- 
ted his small farm, and thus obtained support for his family 
by honest industry, until 1723, two years after the birth of 
his son Roger. This took place in Newton in 1721, on the 
19th day of April. In 1723, the family removed to Stough- 
ton, in that state. There his father continued his residence 
until his death in 1741, when the support of the family and the 
superintendence of its concerns, devolved on Roger ; who 
was the second son of his parents. His elder brother had 
previously removed to Connecticut, and settled in New Mil- 
ford in the county of Litchfield. Roger, at the time of his 
father's decease, was but nineteen years old. He had en- 
joyed no other means for obtaining an education, than such 
as the country common schools at that time afibrded ; and 
these were extremely limited, as is well known by all who 
are acquainted with the state of the country, for a considera- 
ble period subsequent to that date. 

His father's family was numerous ; and being in humble 
life and moderate circumstances, Roger was apprenticed to 
a shoemaker. 

He continued to reside with his mother's family about three 
vears after his father's decease, and was employed princi- 

7* 



78 ROGER SHERMAN, 

pally in cultivating the farm, and otherwise in providing for 
the bereaved family. About that time it was judged expe- 
dient to change their residence, and remove to a distance. 
The property which they owned in Newton, was disposed 
of, and the family removed to New Milford in Connecticut, 
in 1743. Mr. Sherman made the journey on foot, carrying 
his tools with him, from Massachusetts to their new place of 
residence. There he continued to work at his trade with 
industry for some time. He then commenced business as a 
merchant, in company with his elder brother, who had esta- 
blished himself in that town some years before. 

While he was engaged in learning his trade, he availed 
himself of all the means he could command, for improving 
his mind by reading. It is reported of him, that while at 
work on his bench, he had a book placed in such a position, 
that he could read all the time when his eyes were not ne- 
cessarily tixed on his work. In this manner he acquired 
information, under such circumstances as none would have 
thought of improving in that way, except one whose desire 
for obtaining knowledge was unconquerable. By thus em- 
ploying all the means in his power, with an untiring perseve- 
rance, he made himself well acquainted with the principles 
of mathematics. And as early as 1748, he made astrono. 
mical calculations for an almanac that was published in New 
York during several years. These facts show his ardent 
desire for acquiring knowledge generally, since they were 
sciences quite beyond the ordinary range of his reading, and 
in no way connected with his regular pursuits. Stimulated 
by the same eager desire for mental improvement, and hav- 
ing to encounter all the disadvantages of his defective educa- 
tion, he applied himself to the study of law. Whether he 
did this simply for his own intellectual gratification, or whe- 
ther he looked forward to admission to the bar, as a practising 
lawyer, is not known. But it is most probable it was only 
the former, and that his rising to distinction as a practising 
attorney and counsellor, and to high eminence as a judge of 
the highest court in the state, were results of his persevering 
application without the aid of an instructor, which were not 
even contemplated at the time when he commenced the study 
of law. While he was thus employed in business and study, 
he acquired such a favorable reputation as a lawyer among 
his surrounding friends, that they persuaded him to apply for 
a regular admission to the bar. He applied, and was admit- 
ted an attorney at law, in Docember5l754. Two years after 



CONNECTICUT. 79 

his settlement in New Milford, he was appointed a county 
surveyor for the county in which he resided. We not un- 
frequently see young men possessed of aspiring minds, with 
only a limited preparatory education, commence and pursue 
the study of law, under a qualified preceptor, and by enter- 
prise and a persevering application to the business, rise to 
distinction, and obtain extensive and lucrative employment in 
the profession. But for one with no director but himself, 
with no library but such as he could borrow, to rise from 
deep obscurity to high eminence as a jurist, is indeed a rare 
occurrence. Such, however, was the highly honorable dis- 
tinction acquired by Roger Sherman. His success, which 
attracted to him, during his succeeding years, such signal ho- 
nors, did not inflate him with vanity and self-sufficiency ; 
neither did he manifest pride and superiority in his own esteem 
of himself. Roger Sherman was a humble Christian, and he 
cultivated the talents with which his Creator had endowed 
him, with a conscientious desire of being useful ; and few 
men, under any variety of advantages, have succeeded to a 
greater extent, or sustained their acquired honors with a 
greater degree of meekness, and a more exemplary upright- 
ness of character. 

In 1755, Mr. Sherman was chosen a representative for 
New Milford4o the general assembly of Connecticut, and the 
same year he was commissioned as a justice of the peace. 
He was successively returned a representative from year to 
year, during almost the whole time he continued to reside in 
New Milford. This may be considered the commencement 
of his political life. It was when he was thirty-three years 
of age. 

A summary retrospect will show us the following facts. 
At nineteen years of age he lost his father. He was, at that 
age, left with the charge of providing for his widowed mother, 
and a large family of younger children. Without education, 
an apprentice to a humble mechanical business, prosecuting 
his trade till he was twenty-two years old, then placed as a 
partner in a country store, acting as a county surveyor, with- 
out assistance from any qualified instructor, and with no 
library but such as he casually obtained — he had become a 
regularly admitted practising lawyer, a civil magistrate, and 
a representative to the general assembly of the colony of 
Connecticut. This summary account exhibits the honorable 
results of enterprise, industry, and perseverance rarely 
equalled, 



80 ROGER SHERMAN, 

After a regular practice of the law about five 3''earSj he 
was appointed a judge of the county court for Litchfield 
county, in May, 1759. In 1761 he removed from New Mil- 
ford to New Haven. The same appointments were soon 
conferred on him in the county to which he had removed with 
those he had previously held. He was commissioned as a 
magistrate, appointed a judge of the county court, and often 
represented the town in the general assembly. He was also 
chosen treasurer of Yale College, which office he held many 
years, and received from that seminary the honorary degree 
of A. M. in 1765. 

In the year following the freemen of the colony elected 
him an assistant. [In other words, a member of the upper 
house of the legislative body — another name for senate.] 

Mr. Sherman was an observer of the measures contem- 
plated by the British ministry, for asserting and establishing 
the right of parliament to tax the colonists for the purpose of 
raising revenue, to be disposed of by their authority, to the 
©xcliision of the voice of the colonists. These attempts were 
commenced and laid aside, ^received and abandoned, several 
times, by the ministers, between the termination of the French 
war, and the passing of the celebrated " Stamp act," which 
decided the colonists in their opposition to the arbitrary mea- 
sures of the British government. He steadily watched all 
their motions and projects for establishing their claim, and 
as steadily and uniformly, opposed all acknowledgment 
of their right. It was at a period when this great principle, 
which caused much discussion in pubhc, and agitated the 
whole community, that he was brought forward into public 
life, to take a leading part in the politics of his country. He 
was well prepared for performing the part assigned him. He 
had examined with great caution ; he deliberated with calm- 
ness and discretion ; and, when he decided, it was done for 
the best of reasons. Rectitude of purpose, unbending in- 
tegrity, and decision of character were uniformly exhibited 
by Mr. Sherman, through his whole life. He had been ac- 
customed to encounter and overcome embarrassments in tho 
pursuits of private life ; and when, as a public man, formida- 
ble obstacles were presented in his path of duty, he was not 
disposed to yield without an effort to surmount them. Few 
men, of any age, ever possessed more entirely the confidence 
of their fellow citizens, than Roger Sherman ; and few men 
ever improved it for the general good with a more uniform 
approbation of their fellow men. 



CONNECTICUT. 81 

r 

In the month of May, 1776, he received an appointment to 
the office of a judge of the highest court of Connecticut. 
This office, which was an annual appointment, and made by 
the legislature, he held, in connection with his seat as a 
member of the council, for nineteen years ; when a law being 
passed rendering it incompatible to sustain both, he resigned 
his seat at the council board, and retained that on the bench ; 
where he remained until 1789, when he was elected a mem- 
ber of the first congress under the federal constitution. 

It cannot be expected that a particular detail can be given, 
in a summary biographical sketch like this, of every public 
employment in which Mr. Sherman was engaged. It will 
therefore, be briefly remarked, in this place, that he zealously 
engaged in the long continued controversy between Pennsyl- 
vania and Connecticut, respecting the Susquehannah pur- 
chase, in behalf of the Susquehannah company. It caused 
great commotion in the colonies respectively claiming the right 
to the disputed territory ; and, for several years, kept Con- 
necticut divided into parties, which mutually indulged feelings 
of great animosity. But, although ridicule, satire, and cri- 
minations were made use of by both parties, Mr. Sherman 
pursued the straight forward course of integrity ; and by his 
influence, contributed much more toward quieting and paci- 
fying the opposing parties in that state, than could have been 
effected by all other means, short of a legal decision. Such 
was the state of the times, that could not then be obtained. 

But to return from this digression. As the time ap, 
proached, when it was deemed necessary, in the several 
colonies, to concert some united system for more effectually 
opposing the encroachments of the British government, on 
the rights and liberty of the colonists, the people naturally 
sought for men to manage their interests, who were wise, 
able, faithful, and of undoubted patriotism. In Connecticut, 
Roger Sherman, Joseph Trumbull, Eliphalet Dyer, and Silas 
Deane, Esquires, were nominated by the committee of cor- 
respondence, to attend the general congress of the colonies, 
to consult and advise concerning their good. Mr. Sherman 
was present on opening the first congress in 1774, and in 
July, 1776, set his name to the Declaration of Independence. 
He also held a seat in one or the other house, from the form- 
ation* of the government under the new constitution in 1789, 
until his death in 1793. 

The reputation he acquired, both as a representative and a 
senator in congress, was such as gave him an extensive in* 



82 ROGER SHERMAN, 

fluence in those most respectable bodies. Few men were 
sent to congress from any colony or state, whose judgment 
and opinions were more sought for, or held in higher esteem. 
He sought not after the splendor of eloquence. He did not 
uffect the external suavity and polish of the gentleman. In- 
deed, he affected nothing. He always appeared exactly 
what he was — a man of sound common sense ; strong na- 
tural powers of mind ; of deep thought ; of much reflexion ; 
of deliberate judgment ; and a steady integi'ity — uniformly 
seeking to promote the cause of righteousness in the most 
upright manner. His personal appearance was venerable ; 
his manners plain and simple, and his whole character so 
entirely consistent in all respects, that he possessed the re- 
spect, esteem, and confidence of his associates, both in public 
and private life, to an extent rarely equalled in any age or 
country. 

It has been stated, that he was present on the opening of the 
first continental congress. The confidence reposed in him 
by the members of congress, put in requisition his services^ 
for arranging and reporting on a large share of the impor- 
tant business referred to committees, to be subsequently dis- 
cussed, and decided upon by congress, in that critical and 
ominous period, in which the vital interests of all the colonies 
were in jeopardy. It is not easy for any one, who did not 
live in that period of agitation and perplexity, to form ai» 
adequate estimate of the great responsibility, which devolved 
<)n congress, individually and collectively, at the time under 
consideration ; and, perhaps no collection of men were ever 
associated, who were more competent to the purposes for 
which they were selected, than the American congress ; to 
whom were committed the interests and concerns of their na- 
tion, then just springing into lite. To be one of the first 
:imong such an association, affords no equivocal evidence of 
honoi"able distinction, and personal worth. Such was the 
acknowledged merit of Roger Sherman, and such the station 
assigned to him by his distinguished patriotic associates; and 
it will be remembered to his high honor, that he attained to 
this by his own persevering efforts, almost unaided by others, 
from the humble station of a shoe maker, without wealth or 
education. 

It would be a task, which the limits of this work do not 
admit, to mention in detail, all the important committees, on 
which he was placed by the congress in 1775, and 1770. 
But it v/ouki be justly deemed improper to omit to mention, 



CONNECTICUT. 83 

tliat he was selected, with his distinguished colleagues, to 
prepare a Declaration of Independence. Perhaps in no in- 
stance was the confidence of congress in the talents of Mr. 
Sherman more honorably manifested than in this appointment. 

Mr. Sherman was a standing member of the board of war 
and ordnance, of the marine committee, and of the board of 
the treasury. These were not incidental, like many of the 
committees raised for temporary objects. But they had as- 
signed to them the superintendence of the vital and most im- 
portant interests of the country, situated as it then was, en- 
gaged in a war with a powerful nation, and but very poorly 
provided, in almost every respect, with requisite means for 
prosecuting it successfully. 

His employments in congress were of a very active kind, 
and they were incessant. Bui notwithstanding this, he was 
during the war a member of the council of safety, in Con- 
necticut ; and when New Haven was incorporated with city 
privileges, he was elected to the office of mayor ; which of- 
fice he sustained till the close of his life. 

In 1783, the legislature of Connecticut appointed him, to- 
gether with the honorable Judge Law, of Nev/ London, a com- 
mittee, to revise the statutes — to reduce all those which rela- 
ted to the same subject into one ; to arrange them in a regu- 
lar order, and suggest such alterations as they should judge 
expedient ; and to submit their report to the general assem- 
bly. In their performance of this difficult and arduous ser- 
vice, they received the general approbation of the state. 

When in 1787 it was resolved to call a convention of the 
several states, to form a constitution of government for the 
United States, Mr. Sherman, the late Judge Ellsworth, and the 
no less distinguished Doctor Johnson, were appointed dele- 
gates, to represent Connecticut in that august and venerable as- 
sembly of patriotic sages. In the convention, Mr. Sherman ma- 
nifested his usual wisdom and sagacity, and had an important 
influence in moderating conflicting spirits, and soothing the 
feelings of vehement partizans ; and he contributed, perhaps 
as much as any one member, to framing and maturing the 
federal constitution of government of the United States, under 
which, for forty years, the people of this country have enjoyed 
as much real liberty, and experienced as great a degree of 
prosperity, as were ever allotted to any other people, during 
equal number of years, since nations have existed. 

When the convention had performed their duty, and the 
constitution which they had formed, was proposed to the 






f 



ROGER SHERMAN. 



people of the several states, for their examination, and adop- 
tion, Mr. Sherman was present in the Connecticut conven- 
tion, to which it was submitted. He there used his great influ- 
ence with much success, in behalf of its adoption on the 
part of Connecticut. He was returned a representative 
from that state, to the first congress which met under the con- 
stitution ; in the forming of which he had so important a 
share. After holding his seat in the house of representatives 
two years, he was promoted to the senate ; in which body he 
continued to exert his useful talents, for the benefit of his 
country, whose independence he had proclaimed fifteen 
years before, and which he had uniformly labored to pro- 
mote, from the moment it was declared, to the close of his 
virtuous and useful life. This event occurred on the twen- 
ty-third day of July, 1793. 

During his life, he had sustained many offices of impor- 
tance, with uniform honor, and an untarnished reputation. 
His death, although it occurred when he had passed his se- 
venty-second year, was felt to be a great loss, as extensively 
as he was known. Although he was gathered to his fathers 
in a ripe old age, fully possessed of all his honors, which he 
had acquired by nearly a half a century of active usefulness, 
he was yet in full possession of his mental powers unbroken ; 
and would probably have been capable of eminent usefulness 
for several successive years, had his life been thus continued. 
His loss, though deeply felt, and sincerely mourned by the 
country ; by the people of Connecticut, and by the citizens of 
New Haven, generally, whose chief magistrate he had been 
from its city incorporation ; yet, by none was it more sincerely 
lamented than the society and church, of which he was an 
eminent and useful member. 

Mr. Sherman was twice married. At the age of twenty- 
eight years, he was first married to Miss Elizabeth Hartwell 
of Staughton, in Massachusetts, for several years the place 
of his father's residence. By her he had seven children. 
After her decease in 1760, and subsequent to his removal to 
New Haven, he married Miss Rebecca Prescot of Danvers, 
also in Massachusetts. By this second marriage he had eight 
children. 

It would require more room than can be appropriated, in 
this sketch, to exhibit the character of this truly great man, as 
it merits. It will therefore be closed with the summary, 
yet comprehensive inscription, recorded on the tablet that 
covers his tomb. 



CONNECTICUT. 85 

In memory of the 
HONORABLE ROGER SHERMAN, ESQ. 

Mayor of the city of New Haven, and Senator 

of the United States. 

He was born at Newtown, in Massachusetts, April 19, 1721, 

And died in New Haven, July 23d. A. D. 1793, 

Aged LXXII. 
Possessed of a strong, clear, penetrating mind, and singular 

perseverance. 

He became the self-taught scholar, eminent for 

jurisprudence and policy. 

He was nineteen years an assistant, and twenty-three years 

a Judge of the Superior Court, in high reputation. 

He was a delegate in the first Congress, signed the glorious 

act of Independence, and many years displayed 

superior talents and ability in the 

National Legislature. 

He was a member of the General Convention, approved the 

Federal Constitution, and served his country with 

fidelity and honor in the House of Representatives, 

and in the Senate of the United States. 

He was a man of approved integrity, a cool discerning 

Judge, a prudent sagacious politician, a true, 

faithful, and firm patriot. 

He ever adorned the profession of Christianity which he 

made in youth, and distinguished through life for public 

usefulness ; died in prospect of a blessed immortality. 



'~^S@9<i<>- 



SAMUEL HUNTINGTON. 

Samuel Huntington was descended from a family, which 
at an early period of its settlement, arrived at Saybrook, in 
Connecticut. Like most of those families, which left their 
native land to avoid ecclesiastical and civil oppression, his an- 
cestors came to America to enjoy the right of worshipping 
God, according to what they conscientiously believed was 
agreeable to His revealed will. This family was much re- 
spected for piety and intelligence. He was the eldest son of 
Nathaniel Huntington, who settled at Windham in Connecti- 
cut, and industriously pursued the business of a farmer. He 

8 



86 SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, 

was blessed with the inestimable privilege of having a pious 
and intelligent mother. As it was the intention of his father, 
that his oldest son should inherit his patrimony, he gave him 
no other means and advantages for obtaining an education, 
than the common schools of Connecticut at that early period 
supplied ; and these, limited as they were, were deemed ade- 
quate to the object in view. Prompted, however, by the na- 
tive vigor of his own mind, and perhaps, by the distinction 
which his brothers derived from the advantages of a col- 
legiate education, he was not contented to remain in the 
obscurity of a practical farmer, however respectable the 
business of an agriculturist was justly esteemed. Being 
possessed of a strong mind, and having a relish for mental 
cultivation, he devoted much of that portion of his time which 
was not occupied in his agricultural pursuits, in reading and 
study. In this manner he divided his time between labor and 
his books, until he was twenty-two years of age. Notwith- 
standing the obstacles which were to be surmounted in his 
situation, his decision of character and persevering efforts 
enabled him to surmount them, and achieve the object he 
sought ; so that at the age of twenty -two, he had acquired 
quite a respectable stock of scientific information. 

He then relinquished his agricultural pursuits, and com- 
menced the study of law. Being conscious that such an ac- 
quaintance with the Latin language, as would enable him to 
comprehend many passages contained in law books, w^as in- 
dispensable, he acquainted himself with that language suffi- 
ciently for that purpose. 

Actuated by the laudable ambition of rising to distinction 
in society, and of obtaining a competence by other means 
than labor, he began the study of law in a manner very simi- 
lar to that pursued by his colleague, Sherman, in a distant 
part of Connecticut. He had not the advantages of instruc- 
tion by a regular practitioner at the bar. He borrowed books 
from a member of the profession in Windham county, who 
obligingly furnished him with those necessary to his pursuits. 
Although this method of studying. was attended with difficul- 
ties of considerable magnitude, they were all obviated and 
overcome by his perseverance and fortitude. 

Being deemed qualified, he commenced his career as a 
practising lawyer in Windham, his native town. At the ago 
of twenty-eight years, when his reputation was extending, 
he removed from Windham to Norwich, a half-shire town in 
New London county, where he became more extensively 



CONNECTICUT. 87 

known ; and his success in business, and his celebrity as a 
man of talents, made rapid advances. Even at that early 
period, after commencing his business, few lawyers obtained 
a more extensive practice, or possessed a higher reputation 
among their fellow citizens. Although it may be admitted 
that the opportunities for becoming learned in the science, 
at the time when Mr. Huntington was engaged in business, 
were comparatively small ; it must also be admitted, that 
they had in general an equal bearing on him as on others. 
It is, therefore, no equivocal evidence in favor of his faithful 
improvement of them, and his assiduous application, as well 
as of his superior talents, that he was early appointed king's 
attorney for the county in which he resided. His extensive 
practice, which was the result of a general confidence in his 
good sense, intelligence, and probity, embraced all of the 
most important causes in his native county and in those ad- 
joining. 

Four years after his removal to Norwich, he was chosen 
to represent that town in the general assembly of Connecti- 
cut. This was the beginning of his political life. Ten years 
from that date, he was appointed an associate judge of the 
superior court of the colony. And the next year, he was 
elected a member of the council. This, in Connecticut, is 
but another name for senate. 

On the second Thursday of October, in 1775, he was ap- 
pointed a delegate to congress, in connection with Roger 
Sherman, Ohver Wolcott, Titus Hosmer, and William Wil- 
liams, Esquires. Having in obedience to this call of his fel- 
low citizens, taken his seat in that assembly, in January, 
he v/as present in July following, and was called upon to 
sign his name to the Declaration of Independence. Ho 
was a member of congress during that and the three follow, 
ing years. In that whole period, the most ominous which 
the country ever experienced, he was busily employed in the 
business of the public, and rendered services to his fellow 
citizens of the highest importance. His stern integrity, 
and unbending patriotism, his sound judgment, and active 
discharge of business, rendered him conspicuous and at- 
tracted his full share of employment, as a member of many- 
important committees. So high was his reputation in the 
estimation of congress, that in 1779, he was appointed presi- 
dent of that body ; which was at that time the first office in 
the nation. In that office he succeeded Governor Jay, who 
had received and accepted the appointment of minister pie- 



as SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, 

nipotentiary to the court of Spain. He was again appointed 
to the same place in 1780. This station he held, and per- 
formed its arduous duties with universal approbation, until 
the following year ; when in consequence of impaired health 
and being worn down by the fatigues of his unremitted ap- 
plication to the duties of his office, he desired leave of ab- 
sence, that he might by a relaxation from business recruit 
his impaired constitution. By reason of a reluctance to dis- 
pense with his services, congress forbore to nominate his 
successor for two months. In consequence, however, of his 
renewed application, made in a way still more pressing and' 
urgent, they acceded to it, and chose a new president. In 
a few days after his departure, they passed a vote of thanks 
to him, " in testimony of their approbation of his conduct in 
the chair, and in the execution of public business." 

On his return to Connecticut, he resumed his seat at the 
council board, and on the bench ; both of which had been 
continued vacant during his absence in congress. This may 
be justly viewed as a signal evidence of the respect and 
esteem which his constituents entertained for him ; and theses 
were farther evinced by the subsequent promotions which he 
experienced. 

In the spring of 1782, he was elected a delegate to con- 
gress. But for reasons which he deemed imperative, ho 
did not attend under that appointment. His health not being 
fully re-established, and his duties as a member of the high- 
est court in the state, he viewed a sufficio^t justification of 
his absence. In the following year, however, having been 
again elected, he took his seat in congress, soon after they 
had removed to Princeton, in New Jersey, in consequence of 
a tumult that occurred in Philadelphia. He retained his seat 
till the following November, when he retired finally from 
congress. But, although he had withdrawn himself from 
that august assembly, where his public services had been so 
important, and where he had received the first honors which 
his country could confer on him ; yet his fellow citizens 
held a demand for his talents to be further employed in their 
service. Soon after his return to his native state he was ap- 
pointed chief justice of the superior court of Connecticut. 
Having held this office one year, he was chosen lieutenant 
governor of the state ; and, in 1786, he was chosen gover- 
nor, as successor to Governor Griswoid. To this office he 
was annually re-chosen, with great unanimity, till his death. 



CONNECTICUT. 8^ 

This event happened at Norwich, on the fifth day of January, 
1796, in the sixty-fourth year of his age. 

Governor Huntington was for many years, a professor of 
religion. In the sickness which terminated his hfe, he 
realized the consolation which a strong confidence in the 
faithfulness of his Saviour, in whom he put his trust, was 
calculated to inspire. He was a devout attendant on public 
worship, and appeared uniformly in the Divine presence, 
with the aspect of solemn reverence and sincere devotion. The 
practice of investigating whatever subjects were presented to 
his contemplation, which he adopted while yet a youth, pro- 
duced a habit of deep reflection, which he observed through 
life. His words were few ; and when he delivered his 
opinions, it was apparent that they were the result of much 
thinking and thorough deliberation. Notwithstanding the 
many honors and high distinction which had been conferred 
on him, he never betrayed any feeling of that conscious supe- 
riority, which is wont to spring from an indulgence of false 
pride. Indeed his modesty, by those not intimately ac- 
quainted v/ith him, was frequently mistaken for haughtiness 
of spirit. But those who knew him intimately, formed a very 
different and far more correct judgment of his motives. Self- 
possession was, at all times, a prominent trait of his charac- 
ter ; and so cautious was he in his remarks respecting his 
fellow men, that a competent witness, who resided in his 
family more than twenty years, bore testimony, that during 
that whole period, he was not heard to give utterance to one 
remark that could wound the feelings of another, or injure 
the reputation of an absent person. 

For a considerable time previous to his decease, he suf- 
fered severely from a dropsy in the chest. Undoubtedly, 
this, connected with a complication of infirmities, accelerated 
the termination of his life. 

In retracing the life of Governor Huntington, what an ani- 
mating and encouraging example does it furnish to the young 
men of genius and enterprise in our free country ? Here is 
exhibited, in the result of his efforts, what may be accom- 
plished by others who will pursue the same course in simi- 
lar circumstances. With facilities for obtaining early edu- 
cation, far inferior to those now at the command of youths in 
Connecticut, he rose, from the condition of a common ploughs 
boy, and by his almost unaided exertions, to great respect- 
ability and distinction. 

lie rendered services of great utility to his native state and 

8* 



90 WILLIAM WILLIAMS, 

country. And, at length attained the most honorable and 
distinguished offices which his fellow men had in their power 
to bestow. During his whole progress, his life was irre- 
proachable ; and his death such as became the man of virtue 
and Christian piety. 



•MH9@04m> 



WILLIAM WILLIAMS. 

William Williams, who inscribed his name on the Decla- 
ration of Independence of the American colonies, was de- 
scended from a respectable and pious ancestry, who emi- 
grated from Wales in the year 1630, and settled at Roxbury 
in the colony of Massachusetts Bay. His grandfather wf^s 
settled in the gospel ministry at Hatfield, in the county of 
Hampshire, in Massachusetts. Hatfield lies bordering on tho 
western shore of Connecticut River. His father, the Rever- 
end Solomon Williams, was during more than half a century, 
pastor of the first congregeitional society in Lebanon, a 
pleasant agricultural town in Windham county in Connecticut. 
In this town Colonel Williams was born on the 8th day of 
April, 173L He was the fourth son of his parents, and one 
of a family which consisted of eight children ; five sons and 
three daughters. He received his education at Harvard 
university, which he entered in 1747 when he was sixteen 
years old ; and graduated with honorable distinction in his 
class in 1751. Soon after he left the university, he com- 
menced a course of theological studies under the direction 
of his father ; which he pursued with assiduity for some time. 
But in the year 1755, during " the French war," he went 
with Colonel Ephraim Williams, a relative of his, to Lake 
George, as one of the staff of his regiment. This brought 
him into the society of British officers who were employed 
in that war, and gave him a good opportunity to acquaint 
himself with, and to form a correct estimate of their charac- 
ters ; and to learn their dispositions towards the inhabitants 
of the American colonies. At the close of the campaign, the 
subject of this memoir left the army, and returned to his native 
town, much disgusted with the British manners and dispositions 
of the officers, who manifested a great degree of haughtiness, 
as well as indifference for the interests and welfare of the 



CONNECTICUT. 91 

colonies. Then and there it was that he imbibed that feeling 
of opposition to British domination in this country, which 
after a few years produced the war of the revolution, and 
strengthened and confirmed that decided patriotic resistance 
to every encroachment on the rights and liberties of the 
colonists. 

Having returned to his native residence, where he deter- 
mined to take up his abode for life, he commenced business 
as a merchant, which he pursued until the beginning of the 
revolutionary war. He early became possessed of the confi- 
dence of the inhabitants of the town, both for his capacity 
and integrity. This they manifested by choosing him town 
clerk at the age of twenty-five years; and soon after he was 
chosen one of their representatives to the general asssembly 
of the colony, at a period of life considerably earlier than 
was customary in that communit}*. Excepting the time he 
was absent, attending the duties of his appointment as a mem- 
ber of the old congress, he was, during a long life, almost 
uninterruptedly, a member of one of the branches of the le- 
gislature of his native state. He acted as clerk of the gene- 
ral assembly, and afterwards as speaker, for many years. 
In 1780, he was chosen an assistant, and was annually re- 
chosen to that body twenty-four successive years ; and in 
1804, he declined a re-election, resigned all his public offices, 
excepting that of judge of probate, retired to his family, and 
devoted himself to the duties of private life. 

Punctuality was a strong trait in the character of Colonel 
Williams. During somewhat more than ninety sessions of 
the state legislature, which intervened between the begin- 
ning and close of his connection with that body, he was sel- 
dom absent from his seat ; except when he was called to per- 
form his higher duties in congress. 

He was a judge of the county court, for Windham county, 
and a judge of the court of probate for the district of Wind- 
ham, during the long period of forty years. He was one of 
the committee of safety during the greatest part of the war. 
The meetings of that committee were held daily; and business 
of much interest and importance was continually devolving on 
them. It may, therefore, be truly said of him, that he devoted 
his whole life to the service of his fellow citizens, in promoting 
their welfare and prosperity ; and this with conscientious up- 
rightness rarely equalled. 

In October, 1775, he was appointed by the general assem- 
bly of Connecticut, a delegate to the general congress ; this 



92 WILLIAM WILLIAMS, 

congress he attended. And on this occasion, he resigned the 
command of a regiment of miUtia, to which he had been ap- 
pointed two years before ; justly considering it incompatible 
to hold two offices, both of which were, at that era, highly 
important ; and the duties of but one of which he could 
perform. 

He was re-elected a delegate to congress in the year fol- 
lowing. And this placed him among those who proclaimed 
the independence of their country ; and with them he set his 
name to the instrument, which is to insure him an unperish- 
ing remembrance to future generations. 

Among the incidents of his life, it is proper to mention here ; 
that, when the traitor Arnold destroyed New London ; on 
being informed of his invasion, Colonel Williams mounted his 
horse, and rode the distance of twenty-three miles in three 
hours ; but was not able to reach the scene of destruction, 
until the mischief was done, and the enemy was ready to 
embark. 

On another occasion, a short time after the battle of Ger- 
mantown, he saved one of his colleagues, (Colonel Dyer) 
from being captured by the enemy ; and so much exposed 
was he in the enterprise, that he escaped himself with great 
ditiicuUy, and much danger, failing into the hands of the 

enemy. 

At the commencement of the revolutionary conflict. Colonel 
Williams was engaged in the business of a merchant in his 
native town. At that period, he embarked with ardor in 
the cause of his country, and closed his mercantile business, 
and settled up his concerns, that he might experience no 
embarrassing interruptions from that source ; and that he 
mio-ht be able to devote his whole time and all his exertions 
to his country's service. 

In summing up the character of Colonel Williams, it 
will be proper to look to the basis on which the whole super- 
structure was raised and compacted. This basis was a firm 
unwavering belief in the Bible as a divine revelation to men. 
His faith in this was in conformity to the sentiments of the 
Puritans who first landed at Pl5^mouth, and in accordance 
with leading doctrines of the great reformers ; usually de- 
nominated " the doctrines of grace." 

At a time during the war, when the continental currency 
would not procure those services which the necessities of the 
country demanded. Colonel Williams was in possession of 
about two thousand dollars in specie. This he exchanged 



CONNECTICUT. 93 

for the paper currency, to promote the public service, and ulti- 
mately lost the whole sum. 

As an instance of his devotedness to the interest of the 
public, which will evince his disinterested patriotism, may be 
mentioned the fact, that when Lawrence's legion was sta- 
tioned at Lebanon, in the winter of 1781, to accommodate 
the officers with comfortable quarters, he relinquished his 
own house to them, and removed his family to another. 

He was a member of the state convention which was 
called to decide on adopting the federal constitution. Although 
a majority of the people of Lebanon were opposed to adopt- 
ing it, and although he was an advocate for its adoption ; 
they, notwithstanding, chose him for their delegate ; and 
when there, in opposition to their opinions, he advocated its 
acceptance by the state. And it was not long before his 
constituents expressed their gratitude to him for the part he 
took on that occasion ; and convinced of his correctness and 
their error, after a little time for reflection, they coalesced in 
the opinion he had expressed on the momentous subject. 

In 1772, he was united by marriage to Mary, the second 
daughter of Jonathan Trumbull, Esq. of Lebanon, who was 
then governor of Connecticut. 

The 00rly death of his oldest son, deeply affected Colonel 
WiUiami. That afliicting event occurred in the year 1810, 
in the month of October. Being now far advanced in age, 
he never recovered from the shock. His health obviously 
declined from that time, and after an unbroken silence of 
four days' continuance, while lying on his bed, he audibly 
and with a full and clear voice, pronounced the name of his 
son, and required him to attend on his dying parent. Hav- 
ing, thus spoken in that remarkable manner, he almost in- 
stantly expired. 

Thus lived, and thus died the Hon. William Williams, of 
Connecticut, on the 2d day of August, 1811, in the eighty- 
lirst year of his age. 

OLIVER WOLCOTT. 

The family bearing the name of Wolcott, was among the 
early settlers in Connecticut. And there has been no time 
since their distinguished ancestor, with a few associates, 
commenced the settlement of Windsor, in that state, when 



94 OLIVER WOLCOTT, 

the name, in some one or more of its branches, has not sus- 
tained the reputation of possessing a full share of talents, in- 
fluence, and respectability. Henry Wolcott, the English an- 
cestor, came from Tolland, in Somersetshire ; where he was 
bom in 1578. Having imbibed the principles of the In- 
dependents, excited the jealousy of the government, and he 
determined to leave his native island, and repair to the wilds 
of America. He first arrived in New England in 1028, and 
resolving to remove his family, he returned, and brought them 
with him in 1()30. He first settled in Dorchester, in Massa- 
chusetts, a short distance from Boston. In 1636, with a few 
associates, he began the settlement of Windsor. Not only 
some of his descendants, but those of several of his most dis- 
tinguished associates, continue to reside in that town to this 
day. 

Henry Wolcott was not only a leading man in the settle- 
ment of Windsor, but he was distinguished among the first 
of those who organized the government of Connecticut, then 
comprising the three towns, Windsor, Hartford, and Wethers- 
field ; and assisted in forming their constitution of govern- 
ment, the principles of which were incorporated in the char- 
ter, afterwards granted by Cliarles II. to the colony of Con- 
necticut. He lived to a good old age, and died in his seven- 
ty-eighth year. He was a member of the first general assem- 
bly of Connecticut in 1639, and continued a member, or held 
some office in the magistracy until his death in 1055. From 
that time to the present, some individuals of the family have 
almost constantly been members of the assembly, magistrates, 
judges of courts, or in the executive chair ; and have wielded 
a full share of influence in the state, M'ith much respectability 
and usefulness. 

Oliver Wolcott, a sketch of whose life we are now to give, 
was the great-grandson of Henry Wolcott, and the youngest 
son of Roger Wolcott, who, though destitute of the advan- 
tages of a public education, rose by his own efibrts to high 
rank and office both civil and military in Connecticut. He 
was a member of the assembly and of the council. He was 
a major general, judge of the county court, judge of the su- 
perior court, lieutenant governor, and governor of the state, 
successively. 

Oliver, his youngest son, was born on the 26th day of No- 
vember, 1726. He received his education at Yale College, 
where he graduated in 1747. The same year in which he 
left college, he received a captain's commission in the army. 



CONNECTICUT. 95 

lie immediately raised a company and marched them to the 
northern frontier, to aid in protecting the border settlements, 
against the incursions of the Canadian French and hostile 
savages, until the peace was settled at Aix-la-Chapelle ; 
when the regiment, to which he was attached, was disbanded. 
He then returned to Connecticut, and soon commenced the 
study of medicine under the instruction of his brother, Doctor 
Alexander Wolcott, a distinguished practitioner in Windsor. 
He, however, did not commence the regular practice of me- 
dicine ; for about the time when he was contemplating it, the 
general assembly organized the county of Litchfield, and ap- 
pointed him the first sheriff' of the county. 

In 1774, the freemen of Connecticut chose him a member 
of the council, and his election was annually renewed till 
1786. During that term he was chief judge of the county 
court for Litchfield county, and for many years judge of the 
court of probate for Litchfield district. In the militia, he 
lose from a captain regularly to the rank of major general, 
and served in every intermediate grade of office. 

In 1775, congress appointed him one of the commissioners 
of Indian affairs for the northern department. The object 
of this commission was, to persuade the Indians to remain 
neutral in the controversy in which the United States were 
engaged with the British. It was an agency that required 
to be conducted with wisdom, caution, and prudence. While 
Mr. AVolcott was employed in the objects of this appoint- 
ment, the controversies between Connecticut and Pennsylva^ 
nia, respecting boundaries, and between New York and Ver- 
mont, were in a high state of excitement, and threatened to 
produce much injury to the American cause, by exposing the 
people to the seductive arts of British partizans. In settling 
and composing these jarring elements, and in uniting the 
citizens of the New England class, who were settled in the 
controverted territory, to support the common cause, Mr. 
Wolcott's influence was steadily and successfully exerted. 
Thus, by the wisdom of those commissioners, was wrested 
from the grasp of the vigilant British emissaries, one power- 
ful engine which they were anxious to seize and wield with 
effect, to the great injury of the American interest. 

In the beginning of 1776, he attended congress in Phila- 
delphia, and continued there until the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence was adopted, and had recieved his signature ; he 
then returned to Connecticut ; and by an appointment of 
Oovernor Trumbull and the council of safety, he took com- 



m OLIVER WOLCOTT, 

mand of a detachment of Connecticut militia, consisting of 
fourteen regiments, which were ordered for the defence of 
New York. Having performed this service, and the command 
having been transferred to other hands, he returned to his 
home ; and after a short time, resumed his seat in congress 
in the month of November of that year, and retired with that 
body to Baltimore, in the winter of 1777, at the time when 
their safety in Philadelphia was menaced by the approach of 
the British army. 

In the summer of this year, he was continually and very 
assiduously engaged in superintending the raising of recruits ; 
organizing and despatching detachments of mihtia to aid the 
general interests of the military service of the United States ; 
and in carrying on an extensive correspondence relative to 
their military concerns ; and after having forwarded several 
thousands of men to the aid of General Putnam, on the Hud- 
son, he took the command of a body of volunteers, and with 
them proceeded to join General Gates and the northern army. 
There, under the command of Gates, he aided in subduing and 
capturing the British army, under Major General Burgoyne. 

After the capture of Burgoyne's army had been achieved, 
and the alarm of that season was somewhat allayed, by reason 
of that joyful event. General Wolcott returned to the em- 
ployments of civil life ; and, in February, 1778, he took his 
seat in congress at Yorktown, and continued with that body 
till July. 

In the summer of 1779, Connecticut was invaded by a 
British force He immediately took the command of a divi- 
sion of the Connecticut militia, for the defence of their south- 
ern coast, where the inhabitants were imminently exposed 
to sudden attack. This called for activity and fidelity ; and 
both were promptly rendered by General Wolcott, whose 
personal vigor, patriotic integrity, and Christian benevolence, 
admitted of no mediocrity of character or indecision of con- 
duct. He continued to attend to his various duties in his 
native state; and from 1781 to 1788 he was occasionally en- 
gaged in his congressional duties. In 1784 and 1785, he was 
actively employed as one of the commissioners for Indian 
affairs in the northern department. His colleagues were 
Richard Butler and Arthur Lee. They conjointly prescribed 
the terms of peace with the Six Nations, or Mohawk Indians. 

In 1786, h« was elected lieutenant governor of Connecti- 
cut, and was annually re-elected until 1796. In the spring 
of this year he was chosen governor of the state, and re- 



CONNECTICUT. 97 

elected in 1797, and he retained the office till the close of his 
life. This event occurred in December of that year, and in 
the seventy-second year of his age. 

In the character of Governor Wolcott there was an uni- 
form consistency throughout his life. As a patriot he was? 
intelligent, bold, active, inflexible, and persevering. As a 
statesman, he was capable, cool, and decided. As a man, 
he always, and in every situation, exhibited a dignified mo- 
desty — never courting popularity, but always improving that 
portion of favor gratuitously bestowed on him by his fellow 
citizens, disinterestedly for their good. As a Christian he 
embraced the orthodox principles of the Pilgrim Fathers of 
New England. These he adorned by an uniform life of 
conscientious piety, in a conformity to the precepts of the 
gospel. 



NEW YORK. 

WILLIAM FLOYD. 



William Floyd, whose name, signed with his own hand, 
stands on the original Declaration of Independence, was the 
grandson of a gentleman of respectability, who came to this 
country from Wales, in the year 1680, and established him- 
self, as an agriculturist, at Setauket, on Long Island, in the 
colony of New York. He soon acquired considerable dis- 
tinction among the inhabitants, by reason of his wealth and 
public spirit. His second son, Nicoll, the father of Wilham, 
followed the employment of his father, and confined himself 
principally to the occupations and enjoyments of domestic 
life. He was removed, by death, at an early age ; and left 
this, his eldest son, to take the superintendance of his patri- 
monial estate into his own hands. 

He was born on the seventeenth day of December, 1734. 
His father, who was a wealthy farmer, gave him a hberal 
education, which he restricted to those branches of learning 
that were useful, rather than the more scientific and specula- 

9 



98 WILLIAM FLOYD, 

tive studies. His academic course was hardly closed, before 
his father's death made it necessary for him to take the over- 
sight of his patrimonial estate. 

His sound mind, disciplined and enlightened by educa- 
tion ; his friendly disposition, his kindness, and affability, all 
united in rendering him popular in the society where he lived, 
and early in lite, designated him as a leading man among his 
fellow citizens. His fidelity in discharging the duties of the 
minor offices which they conferred on him, prepared them to 
promote him to those of more importance ; and thus he was 
introduced to an acquaintance with many of the distinguished 
public men in different parts of the province. 

The controversy between Great Britain and her American 
colonies early engaged his attention. As in its progress, it 
assumed a more serious and threatening aspect, he took a de- 
cided stand in opposition, and manifested a patriotic zeal and 
an increasing ardor, in favor of the cause of the colonies. 
In this he became early conspicuous. In all his public em- 
ployments, his conduct had fully justified, in the estimation 
of the people, the confidence they had reposed in him ; and 
his zealous and uniform opposition to the usurpations of the 
British parliament, having rendered him extensively popular, 
constituted the grounds for his being appointed a delegate to 
the first continental congress, from New York. In that body, 
he was associated with statesmen and patriots, who may be 
said to have given birth to a nation. 

The principal measures which immediately demanded the 
attention of that congress, were, to enlighten the people re- 
specting the controversy in which they were soon to be uni- 
versally interested, to a degree, as it respected them, unpre- 
cedented. To direct their attention to the leading points on 
which their opposition to the parent government rested ; to 
rouse the languid, that they might be prepared for action of 
that decisive character which the crisis demanded ; and to de- 
cide and confirm the wavering, that they might not, in the 
time of trial, be found in the ranks of the enemy ; were the 
great objects of attention. 

It may be questioned whether any deliberative assembly 
of men, collected, as the first continental congress was, from 
different provinces, trained up under governments somewhat 
dissimilar, placed in such a situation, m such trying circum- 
stances, called to act not only for those then living, but for 
posterity, almost without tlie lights of experience to guide 
them, ever evinced more consummate wisdom, prudence, and 



NEW YORK. 99 

sound discretion, than the first American continental con- 
gress, which convened in Philadelphia, in 1774. 

On his return from the session of the first congress, he 
learned that Long Island was threatened with an invasion, by 
a naval force which had collected in Gardiner's Bay, near 
the east end of the island. He had been appointed to the 
command of the militia of Suffolk county, previous to his at- 
tending in congress ; and being informed of the threatened 
iiivasion, and that a landing had been effected by them, he 
assembled the militia, put himself at their head, and promptly 
marched to the scene of danger to drive them from the island. 
They had, however, no occasion to try their courage, as the 
intelligence of their approach had effected the object, without 
having occasion to expose their lives in action. The informa- 
tion so intimidated the invading force, that they abandoned 
their design, and returned to their ships. 

He was again appointed to congress in 1775, and met with 
his colleagues early in the session, and continued assiduously 
employed in the discharge of his momentous duties more 
than two years. This period embraces the time when the 
great question of our national independence was divided. On 
that memorable occasion. General Floyd's heart and hand 
were in unison with those of his associates. 

On the journals of that congress are recorded the numer- 
ous committees of which he was a member, and the impor- 
tant services his intelligence and active habits enabled him 
to render, in promoting the common cause. But it is deemed 
unnecessary to insert them particularly here ; since they 
were similar to those which have been recorded of others, 
who were his coadjutors. 

Few of those leading patriots, who acted a conspicuous 
part in opposing the British in the revolutionary conflict, 
were more exposed to their ravages, or suffered more severe- 
ly by their depredations, than General Floyd. His estate 
was on Long Island. It was a fine plantation, well stocked 
with an abundance of fruit trees of various kinds, and verv 
excellent quality. This, together with large forests of timber 
and firewood, lying contiguous to the New York market, ren- 
dered it of great value. All these, with his splendid mansiori 
house, and the stock on his farm, were exposed to become a 
prey to his vindictive toes, as soon as they should be able to 
establish themselves on the island. This event took place 
during his attendance in congress. The American troops 
found it necessary to evacuate the island, and the British 



100 WILLIAM FLOYD, 

took possession. By reason of this event his family were 
turned out of their house, and exiled from their home and 
their property. The produce and stock of his estate were 
seized by the enemy, to furnish provisions for their army; 
and his mansion house was used as a rendezvous for a party 
of horse. Thus, for seven years, he derived no benefit from 
his property, while he and his family were driven from their 
home, to find safety and shelter in Connecticut. Tliis expo- 
sure, though it subjected him to great inconvenience and se- 
rious loss of property, as well as much anxiety on account 
of his family, did not cause any abatement in the ardor of 
his patriotism, nor call forth regrets for the active part he had 
taken in opposition to the enemies of his countiy. 

After the Declaration of Independence had been proclaimed, 
the state of New York, in conformitv to the recommendations 
ot congress to the states, called a convention, and formed a 
constitution of government for the state, as an independent 
sovereignty. General Flovd was elected a senator in the 
first legislative bodv that was convened under that constitu- 
tion. This election took place while he was yet busily em- 
ployed, in performing his duty in congress. Very important 
duties devolved on the first legislature that met, in conformity 
to the state government. It became necessary for them to 
organize the new government, and adopt a code of laws, suited 
to their new condition as a sovereign state. General Floyd 
was a member of that assembly, and rendered important aid 
in putting the new system of government in operation. With 
an exception of some short intervals, he attended and was ac- 
tively engaged more than a twelvemonth. Nearly two 
months before he finished his services in the state legislature, 
he was again elected a delegate to congress. He took his 
seat in January, 1779, and continued busily engaged in pro- 
moting the public interests till the June following, when he 
obtained leave of absence, and returned to the state of New 
York, where his services were again demanded in the legis- 
lature. 

The paper currency had at that time become so much de- 
preciated, that great alarm pervaded the whole community; 
and loudly called for the adoption of some measure which 
vrould check its declining progress ; and as far as might be 
practicable, remedy the evils already incurred. This delicate 
and difncult subject was referred to a joint committee of the 
two houses, of which General Floyd was a member from the 
senate. In his report to that body, which he rendered iii 



NEW YORK. 101 

September, are contained those correct nnancial principles, 
the application ot' which soon began to produce a beneficial 
change : and when he retired from public lite, he had the sa- 
tisfaction of witnessing the happy results, in the truly prosper^ 
0U5 condition of the finances of the state. The state had thus 
been rescued from a condition verging on bankruptcy, and 
raised to one of prosperity almost unparalleled. 

About this time, speculators had begun an extensive prac 
tice of purchasing provisions, with a view to a monopoly. 
They carried it to such an extent, that a famine was threaten- 
ing the coimtn". It was well known that the public must 
have provisions tor the army, at any price that holders pleased 
to demand. In these circumstances, a convention of dele- 
gates from several states was appointed to meet in New Eng- 
land, to adopt some regulations respecting public supplies. 
The delegates from New York were William Flovd, Jotm 
Sloss Hobarl. and Ezra L. Hommedieu. To attend that 
service they were appointed on the 14th day of October. 
1779. Three days previous to this appointment, General 
Floyd was re-elected a delegate to congress ; where he took 
his seat on the second day of December tbllowing. By this 
congress he was appointed a member of two of the most ira. 
portant executise boards then recognized in the government ; 
the treasury- and the admiralty. He, however, soon asked 
permission to be discharged from the treasun*' board ; findmg 
his health too much impaired by his incessant employments, 
to enable him to attend on the services which both demanded. 
Indeed, his health had become impaired to such a degree, by 
his constant emplovments, as made another recess from pub- 
he ser'dce indispensable. Consequently, on the first of April, 
1779, he asked for, and obtained leave of absence. But the 
demands of the public for his service did not suffer him to 
enjoy that relaxation tVom active duties, which the state of his 
health required. In the month of May following his retire- 
ment trom congress, the senate of New York was convened; 
and bv their direction their clerk notified him, that his at- 
tendance in his place was required without delay. In com- 
pliance with that notification he repaired to their place of ses- 
sion, and appeared in his seat. He was immediately placed 
on a committee, to which was submitted a resolution of con- 
gress, which embraced all the most important relations sub- 
sisting between congress, as the government of the country, 
and that of the state. On these relations thev were to dehb- 
erate, and make their report to the senate. At that se^ssion the 

9* 



102 WILLIAM FLOYD, 

question of making bills of credit a legal tender was introdu- 
ced. This subject had begun to agitate the country, and was 
justly producing much warmth of feeling. It was urged on 
the one part, as a necessary expedient, growing out of the 
existing exigencies of the country. General Floyd, however, 
strenuously opposed its sanction by the state government, 
though unsuccessfully. He was fully persuaded that the evils 
which would result from its adoption, would far more than 
counterbalance any temporary benefits which could accrue 
from it to the general government. The correctness of his 
sentiments on that subject, has long since been settled bj 
the sanction of the whole corr-munity. 

He was one of those who clearly perceived, and early ad- 
vocated, the importance of so organizing the general govern- 
ment, as that it should be empowered by other means than 
requesting and petitioning the several members of the confed- 
eracy, to draw on them for their proportion of aid to the com- 
mon cause, in order that the requisite supplies for the public 
service should be more promptly rendered. Hence, in the 
egislature of New York, he reported in favor, and advocated 
die forming of a confederation of he several states, in order 
fhat this indispensable power should be vested in congress. 

In April, 1780, he was once more elected a delegate to 
congress, but he continued his attendance in the state senate 
till the autumn following, and took his seat in congress in De- 
cember. In this session he was much occupied on two subjects 
of great interest to the state of New York ; one was the cevssion 
of the western territory to the general government, and fix- 
ing the wes em limi s of the state ; the other, the controversy 
with New Hampshire, respecting their mutual claim to that 
territory which is now the state of Vermont. He was suc- 
cessively chosen to represent the state in congress till 1783, 
when peace having taken place, the independence of his 
country acknowledged by Great Britain, and the country 
conducted safely through that long and arduous struggle, by 
which their freedom had been achieved, he joyfully returned 
with hisfamil)^ to his own house, after an exile of seven years ; 
and his return to reside with them, in peace and tranquillity, 
was hailed with numerous demonstrations of the pleasure 
which the event occasioned. 

As might have been expected, when he re-occupied his 
estate, he found it in a state of dilapidation, and almost ruined. 
Having taken such a conspicuous stand in support of the 
cause of his country's independence, and having been so 



NEW YORK. 103 

prominent an actor in opposition to the British domination, he 
was marked by the tories as an object of especial vengeance ; 
and his property, wherever it was accessible, as legitimate 
plunder. Hence, the naked soil was almost the only thing 
that remained without marks of destruction. In consequence 
of the state of his private affairs he declined a re-election 
to congress ; but continued to serve his native state in their 
senate till 1788. 

Upon the adoption of the federal constitution, when the 
general government was to be new organized, he was re- 
turned a member of the first congress, which was convened 
in the city of New York, on the fourth day of March, 1789. 
Having served during that congress, he declined being again 
a candidate for the office. 

The very numerous instances of popular favor which were 
conferred on General Floyd, during a term of more than half 
a century, will indicate, with sufficient clearness, the estima- 
tion in which he was held by his constituents ; and the up- 
lightness and integrity with which he discharged the duties 
assigned him, are evinced by their long continued approbation. 

In 1784, he purchased a tract of land on the Mohawk 
River. It was then in a state of nature, without inhabitants, 
and without culture. As he was now freed from public de- 
mands on his time, he undertook to improve it ; and in a 
few years, transformed it from a wilderness into a number of 
flourishing and productive farms. As the western part of 
this state had already begun to attract the attention of set- 
tiers, the beauty of the country, and the productiveness of the 
soil induced him to transfer his residence thither in 1803, at 
the age of sixty-nine. 

In 1800, he was appointed an elector of president and vice 
president of the United States. In the year following he 
was chosen a delegate to the convention that was called for 
revising the constitution of New York. He served after 
this repeatedly as a presidential elector — the last time the 
year before his death. Subsequently he was chosen to the 
senate of that state. With some few exceptions, he had en- 
joyed sound health, till a short period previous to his decease. 
His mental powers seemed to have retained their pristine 
vigor to the close of his life. That event occurred on the 
fourth day of August, 1821, and at the age of eighty-seven 
years. 

His life was long, active, and useful to the public. He 
was a man of business, rather than a debating politician. 



104 PHILIP LIVINGSTON, 

Having once formed his opinions, he set himself about ac- 
complishing his purposes ; and often encountered and sur- 
mounted obstacles, where men of less decision of character 
would have yielded, and given over the pursuit, as a hopeless 
enterprise. His patriotism v^^as undeviating ; his integrity 
inflexible ; and his name, inscribed on the national charter, 
will descend to posterity, in connection with others, as one of 
the veterans who contributed to establish that independence 
of the United States, which they so magnanimously asserted 
and proclaimed to the world. 



■<»h9@9««>is 



PHILIP LIVINGSTON. 

Philip Livingston was descended from a respectable an- 
cestry, and his family name has long been distinguished in 
New York. His grandfather, John Livingston, was a minister 
of the gospel in the Scotch church, who lived an exemplary 
life, and in a manner consistent with his public character. In 
1663, he left Scotland, and emigrated to Rotterdam. There 
he ended his life and ministry in 1672. Robert Livingston, 
his son, soon after his father's decease, came to America, 
and obtained a grant of the manor of Livingston, in what 
was then the colony of New York. He had three sons, of 
whom Philip was the oldest ; and was consequently heir to 
the manor. His brother Kobert was grandfather of Chan- 
cellor Livingston, and his youngest brother Gilbert, was 
grandfather of the Reverend Doctor John Livingston, late 
president of Rutgers' College, at New Brunswick, N. Jersey, 
now deceased. Philip, the subject of this memoir, was the 
fourth son of his father, to whom he gave his own name. 
He was bom in Albany, on the fifteenth day of January, JTIB, 

At the time when his preparatory education was sufficiently 
advanced for him to become a member of a college, there 
were no flourishing schools of a high order existing in the 
province of New York ; and those intended for the elementary 
instruction were few and inferior. 

To obtain the advantages of a collegiate education the 
father of Mr. Livmgston sent him to Yale College, at New 
Haven, in Connecticut, where he graduated in 1737. 



NEW YORK. 105 

Soon after he returned from college he engaged in com- 
merce, and was soon concerned in extensive business. His 
views were comprehensive ; and an established character for 
integrity, sagacious management, and uprightness in his 
deahngs, laid a foundation for prosperity, which was amply 
reahzed in the success that attended his enterprise. He 
estabUshed himself in the city of New York ; and in 1754, 
when the city contained less than eleven thousand souls, he 
was elected an alderman of the east ward of the city. This 
was his commencement in public life. To that office he was 
annually re-elected for nine successive years ; and he per. 
formed the duties which his office required to the universal 
approbation of his constituents. 

Sir Charles Hardy, governor of the colony of New York, 
having been appointed a rear admiral in the navy, resigned 
his office, and the government devolved on Lieutenant Go- 
vernor Delancey. On the occurrence of this change in the 
administration, he dissolved the general assembly of the co- 
Jony, and a new election of members was consequently made. 
Although the compensation of the members was at that time 
a mere trifle, their elections were contested with a zeal and 
in a manner very similar to the choice of members of parlia- 
ment in England. To that assembly he and one of hi? 
brothers were members. The population of the whole colony 
Mas about 100,000. 

The meeting of that assembly was during what is well 
Imowii in this countrj^ by " the French war." Mr. Living- 
ston's superior education, and activity as a man of business, 
rendered him conspicuous among his colleagues, and made 
liim a leading member of the house. Much of the unportant 
business which that assembly had to act upon related to the 
war operations in the north. Mr. Livingston was forward in 
devising and maturing those measures, which, in conjunction 
whh the efforts of the other colonial governments and the 
mother country, resulted in the capture of Ticonderoga, 
Crown Point, Niagara, and Quebec, and shortly after in the 
subjugation of the whole of Canada. 

Previously to the revolution, eachof the American colonies 
had its agent in Great Britain, who was employed to pay 
particular attention to their interests in the parliament. Ro- 
bert Charles, Esq. had been an agent for the province of 
New York. On his decease, the renowned Edmund Burke 
was employed to fill that office. A special committee was 
appointed, as a standing body, to hold correspondence with 



106 PHILIP LIVINGSTON, 

their agent ; and Mr. Livingston being on that committee at 
the time of Mr. Burke's engagement, he was in constant corres. 
pondence with him. It is supposed that this correspondence 
of Mr. Livingston, was one principal source from whence Mr. 
Burke derived his enhghtened and correct views of the poUcy 
which he so strenuously supported in favor of the Americans 
in opposition to the ministry. Mr. Livingston early imbibed 
principles of determined resistance to all the measures of hos- 
tility against the rights of the Americans, which ministers at- 
tempted, insidiously and by circumvention, to enforce. In 
this respect he anticipated most of the public men in that 
province. This remark is confirmed by a reported answer 
to the speech of the acting governor. Golden, on whom, as 
president of the council, the administration devolved, on the 
decease of the lieutenant governor. The reported answer 
was rendered in 1784, after Mr. Golden had been appointed 
lieutenant governor of New York. It was drawn up by Mr. 
Livingston, and breathed sentiments much more consonant 
with the spirit that had then begun to operate in Fanuiel Hall,, 
than the government house of New York. From those senti- 
ments he never swerved ; but boldly, and with an animating 
eloquence, sustained them in the provincial assemblies, and in 
the continental congress, to the close of his honorable life. 
With him were associated George Glinton, Pierre Van Gort- 
land, General Philip Schuyler, Abraham Ten Broeck, 
Gharles De Witt, and Henry Wisner. These men, of whom 
the mention of their names is sufficient, placed Philip Living- 
ston as their leader, and they enlisted under his banner. They 
were all members of the general assembly that was elected 
when Sir Henry Moore was governor, to succeed one which 
he had dissolved, on his accession to the office. 

W^hen the assembly met in October, 1708, Mr. Livingston 
was chosen speaker by twenty members, when the house 
consisted, if all were present, of but twenty-seven. This fact 
will show how great was the comparative strength of the 
whig party in the assembly at that period. But this subse- 
quently was so diminished, that the governor could command 
a majority who were subservient to his views and purposes, 
during several years. From that time he did not take a 
seat in the provincial assembly. 

He was chosen a member of the first congress that met, 
September 5th, in Philadelphia, in 1774. He was ap- 
pointed on a committee, to prepare an address to the people 
of Great Britain. 



NEW YORK. 107 

Tlie spirit of opposition having now risen to a height that 
precluded all hope and prospect of a compromise, while the 
assembly contained a majority who were creatures of the royxil 
governor, the counties of New York, Albany, Dutchess, Ul- 
ster, Orange, Westchester, Kings, and Suffolk, united in 
choosing deputies to a provincial convention, which was held 
at New York, in April, 1775. That convention appointed 
Philip Livingston, George Clinton, James Duane, John Alsop, 
Simon Boerum, William Floyd, John Jay, Henry Wisner, 
Phihp Schuyler, Lewis Morris, Francis Lewis, and Robert R. 
Livingston, delegates to the congress, whicii had adjourned on 
the 26th of October preceding, to meet again in May, 1775. 

The convention authorized any five of these delegates, to 
act for them ; and gave them full powers to concert with dele- 
gates from other colonies, and determine upon and adopt such 
measures, as should be deemed most effectual for a restoration 
of the rights of Americans, for securing their preservation in 
future, and for restoring harmony with Great Britain. 

It was this congress vrnich declared the independence of 
the United States ; and Mr. Livingston, with his colleagues, 
William Floyd, Francis Lewis, and Lewis Morris, was pre- 
sent to subscribe his name to the much admired and memo- 
rable state paper. On the ninth of the same month, their act 
received the unanimous sanction of the convention of New 
York, then in session at White Plains. 

On the 15th day of the month, which gave birth to the 
American nation, congress appointed Mr. Livingston a mem- 
ber of the treasury board ; and of the marine committee in 
the following April. 

The American Independence having been declared and 
proclaimed, congress recommended to the several states to 
adopt each a government for itself, that their acts might have 
the sanction of laws, by authority derived from the people. 
In compliance with that recommendation, a new government 
was formed by a convention of delegates, chosen by the peo- 
ple of New York ; and after it had been adopted by the peo« 
pie, Mr. Livingston was chosen a senator under it. That 
was the first seriate of the state of New York. I'heir first 
meeting was on the 10th day of September, 1777, and on the 
2d of October following, he, James Duane, Francis Lewis, 
William Duer, and Governeur Morris, were elected the first 
delegates to congress by aurliority of the state government. 

In 1778, at the most gloomy period of the contest, after 
the British had obtained possession of Philadelphia, con- 



108 PHILIP LIVINGSTON, 

gress had to retreat to York, in Pennsylvania for their own 
safety. Their situation was most critical and dishearten- 
ing. Mr. Livingston, then in poor health and quite feeble, 
in compliance with a request of the state government, con- 
sented to leave his family, and take his seat in congress. 

In view of his precarious state of health, he had a presenti- 
ment that he should not return ; and under that impression, 
previous to taking his departure, he visited his friends in Al- 
bany for the last time. On his return to his family, (then in 
Kingston) he addressed to them a valedictory letter, express- 
ing his belief that he should not see them any more. The 
same opinion, in reference to his own family, he expressed, 
when prepared for his journey to congress ; and, on taking 
his departure, he bade them a final farewell. This took place 
in May, 1778 ; and on the 12th of June following, the melan- 
choly event, so truly anticipated by him, and so ardently de- 
precated by his family and friends, was realized. He had la- 
bored under a dropsy in the chest, for a considerable time : 
and well assured of the fatal termination of that disease, he 
would have chosen to remain in the quiet of domestic life, 
and to have yielded up his life in the midst of his family. But 
his duty called him to leave them, for the benefit of his coun- 
try ; and a call of duty was imperative with him. Thus, as 
he anticipated, death met him at a distance from home, de- 
prived of the consolations and the society of all his family, 
except his son Henry, then but eighteen years of age. Thi.< 
youth was then residing in the family of General Washington. 
On being informed of his father's illness, he immediately re- 
paired to him, to perform for him the last duties which were 
prompted by filial piety and affection. 

When intelligence of his decease was announced to con- 
gress, they immediately took the necessary measures for 
having his funeral obsequies attended with such testimonials 
of respect, as became the occasion ; and put on 4he usual 
badge of mourning, to be worn by them during the term of 
one month. 

Thus terminated the life of Philip Livingston, one of the fa- 
thers of the American republic ; a life usefully and patriot- 
ically devoted to the good of his fellow men, with untarnished 
honor to himself, and extensive usefulness to his country ; and 
what reflected a peculiar lustre over his character was, he 
was a Christian. He honored its institutions in his life ; and 
left the world with a joyful anticipation of those inestimable 



NEW YORK. 109 

.blessings in the life to come, which the gospel assures to 
every true believer. 

He was a Hberal patron of several institutions for public 
benefit. He, and several associates of a kindred spirit, about 
the middle of the eighteenth century, were accustomed to 
hold weekly meetings of a social and friendly nature, in the 
city of New York. At one of those meetings the plan of a 
public library was suggested. It was promptly adopted, and 
carried into execution ; this was the beginning of what is now 
the New York city library ; and his name is mentioned in the 
act of incorporation, as one of those who set on foot a sub- 
scription for its establishment. 

He was one of the first governors of the New York hospi- 
tal, which received a charter in 1771. He was also, one of 
the founders of the chamber of commerce ; and he actively 
promoted the establishment of what was then called *' Kings," 
(but now Columbia College.) He took much pleasure in pro- 
moting commerce, and agriculture, as the then leading, and 
most sure sources of the country's wealth and prosperity. 

His patriotism was pure, ardent, and undeviating. Evi- 
dence of this has already been furnished, in the progress of 
(his sketch ; another may be added with propriety. Indeed 
it is too honorable to his character to be withheld. A short 
time previous to his death, and with a full presentiment of the 
approach of that event, he sold a part of his property, to help 
sustain the public credit, which was then much depressed, 
and in a suffering condition. 



•whO^Oo'.- 



FRANCIS LEWIS. 

Francis Lewis, whose life was chequered with many in- 
cidents, was a native of the island of Great Britain, born in 
the principality of Wales in 1713, in the town of Landaff. 
His father was a minister of the episcopal church in that 
town. His mother was the daughter of another clergyman oi 
the same standing and profession in North Wales. Francis- 
was the only child of his parents ; and he was deprived of 
them by death, when he was but four or five years old. Being 
thus left at that e arly age an orphan, he was taken by a ma- 
ternal aunt, who was unmarried, and who took the best possi- 

10 



110 FRANCIS LEWIS, 

ble care of him in her power. She took pains to have him 
taught fully to understand his native language ; and he also 
learned the Gaelic tongue in Scotland, whither he was sent 
while young to a family of relatives in the Highlands. These 
languages he retained for many years, perhaps to the close 
of his life. 

At a suitable age he was taken by an uncle, who was 
Dean of St. Paul's in London, and put to the celebrated West- 
minster school, where he finished his classical education, and 
left it with the reputation of a good scholar. On leaving 
school, he was put an apprentice to a merchant in London, 
and served in his compting room a regular clerkship ; and 
there became qualified for the business of his future life. 

Having at the age of twenty-one years come into posses- 
sion of a sum of money, he vested it in articles of merchan- 
dise, and with it embarked for New York. As the market 
in that city was comparatively smcdl, and not sufficient to de- 
mand his whole cargo, he formed a partnership with a Mr. 
Annesley ; left a part of it with him, and went with the 
residue to Philadelphia. After spending about two years 
in that city, he returned to New York, and made it his future 
place of business and abode. He entered extensively into 
navigation and foreign commerce. He now became more 
intimately connected with his partner in trade, by marrying 
his sister ; by her he had seven children, three only survived 
infancy. 

His commercial pursuits called him much abroad ; in pro- 
secuting his business, he travelled extensively in Europe. 
Twice he went to Russia, and pushed his trade in all her sea- 
ports from St. Petersburgh to Archangel ; he was also in the 
northern isles of Scotland ; and two several times was ship- 
wrecked on the coast of Ireland. He took an active part in 
the " old French war," and was with his friend Colonel Mer- 
sey, (or Mercer,) in the fort of Oswego, as a purchaser of 
supplies for the British troops, when Montcalm reduced the 
fortress, and imprisoned the garrison. Colonel Mersey having 
command, Mr. Lewis served as his aid. Mersey was killed, 
and Lewis was captured, and taken to Canada. From thence, 
after some time, he was sent to France, and regularly ex- 
changed. At the close of that war, the British government 
gave Mr. Lewis five thousand acres of land as a compensa- 
tion for his military services. 

After Mr. Pitt became minister, Mr. I>swis began, with 



NEW YORK. Ill 

other patriots, to oppose the encroachments of the Enghsh 
government on the colonial rights, and mideviatingly persist- 
ed in his opposition till the revolution. 

When the house of representatives of Massachusetts recom- 
mended a congress of delegates, from all the colonies, to be 
held in New York, in 1765, after the information of the stamp 
act having passed had reached this country, Mr. Lewis was 
a delegate to that congress for New York. He entered fully 
into the measures which were adopted by that body, and gave 
them his cordial support. When an attempt M'as made to 
put that odious law into operation, Mr. Lewis retired from' 
business to a country residence which he owned on Long 
Island, where he resided until 1771. He then recommenced 
business, with a view of establishing his eldest son, and 
formed a partnership under the firm of " Francis Lewis and 
Son." But he again relinquished trade on the commencement 
of hostilities, in 1775. 

On the twenty-second of April, 1775, by a convention of 
delegates from several counties in the province of New York, 
which convened in that city, Mr. Lewis was appointed a dele- 
^gate to the continental congress. And in December follow- 
ing, he was continued by the provincial congress of New 
York, a member for 1776. His conduct and that of his 
colleagues, in voting for and signing the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, was fully sanctioned by a convention of the state 
representatives, which met at White Plains on the 9th of July, 
the same month in which they had given their sanction to the 
act. 

When the representatives of New York met in May, 1777, 
at Kingston, Mr. Lewis received a public vote of thanks of 
the convention, for his long and faithful services rendered to 
the colony and state of New York ; and in October of the 
same year, he was again chosen to a seat in the continental 
congress. A year after that election, he was chosen a fourth 
and last time to represent New York in that national assem- 
bly. 

While he was in congress, he acted in various capacities ; 
for which his extensive knowledge of commercial business 
eminently qualified him. He was always active, always in- 
telhgent, always patriotic, and always upright. He was 
employed in purchasing clothing for the army, in contracting 
for provisions, for importing arms and ammunition, and in 
.secret services for the government. He was also, on the 
committee of claims, which was instituted for putting the 



112 LEWIS MORRIS, 

accounts of the continent in a condition for settlement. He 
acted on many other committees, the duties of which, though 
noi splendid, were nevertheless of much importance. It is 
deemed needless to enumerate them all. He, with Messrs. 
Sherman and Gerry, was appointed to repair to head quarters, 
near New York, to inquire into the state of the army, and to 
devise the best means for supplying its wants. 

Not long after his retirement from congress, that body was 
not unmindful of his valuable services, and they appointed 
him a commissioner for the board of admiralty ; that office he 
accepted. 

The British wasted his property, they plundered what they 
could remove, and destroyed all that was immovable ; inso- 
much, that at the termination of the war, he had but little 
more left than sufficient to pay his debts contracted before the 
war began. But they carried their resentment still farther ; 
they took Mrs. Lewis a prisoner, and confined her in a close 
prison for several months, without a bed, and without a change 
of raiment. She, after immense suffijring, was exchanged 
through the agency of General Washington. But she came 
from her severe confinement with a ruined constitution, anrl/ 
in about two years paid the debt of nature. 

Mr. Lewis survived his wife, until 1802, dying in December 
of that year, in the ninetieth year of his age. He left behind 
him an unsullied character. 



■•tHfi^d^o-^ 



LEWIS MORRIS. 

Lewis Morris, of whom we now speak, was born in Mor- 
risania, in his paternal mansion, in the year 1726. Being 
the oldest of several sons he of course became proprietor 
of the manorial estate. 

After having prosecuted the usual preparatory studies to 
qualify him for admission to college, he entered Yale College 
at the age of sixteen years, where he prosecuted his studies, 
under the presidency of the Reverend T. Clapp. At the 
end of four years, the usual period of the academic course in 
that seminary, he graduated, receiving '* the honors of col- 
lege" at twenty years of age. From college he returned to 
his estate, and devoted his attention to the business of agricul- 



NEW YORK. 113 

ture. Possessing in a pre-eminent degree those personal 
attractions, which are usually estimated at their full value, 
abounding with wealth and having a social disposition, he 
was the universal favorite in every circle ; and at an early 
age he became very popular throughout the colony. Though 
thus formed to adorn polite society, such as concentrates in 
commercial cities, he notwithstanding devoted himself to the 
endearments of domestic life, and his favorite pursuits of 
agriculture. 

Thus was Lewis Morris situated, in possession of every 
property which could contribute to a pleasurable life ; blessed 
with a numerous offspring, esteemed by a large circle of 
warm hearted friends, with whom, at his mansion, he shared 
his hospitality, it would appear that he could have no induce- 
ment to encounter the effects of any change in the condition 
of his country. Much he had to lose ; and nothing to gain. 

When the time arrived, in which it was deemed necessary 
to choose his side of the great question about to be discussed, 
had he felt disposed to delay and equivocate, he had the coun- 
tenance of numerous and distinguished examples in the colony, 
to sustain him in such a war ; but he was not compounded 
of such materials as would allow him to hesitate. Like 
some others in that, and in several of the other colonies, 
he was among the first to perceive, what the ultimate 
resort, and the final termination of that dispute, which was 
the first attempt by parHament to assert tiieir sovereign right 
to impose taxes on the colonies, without their consent, would 
produce. He also, descried what must be the condition of 
these colonies, should that principle be carried into effect, 
and become an established precedent, as it would, if the stamp- 
act, and others which followed, embracing the same princi. 
pie, were put in force without opposition. Looking with a 
discerning eye to the end of the contest, he perceived the 
indispensable necessity of a determined resistance to that 
claim. 

While many of his friends were cheering their hearts with 
the delusive hope, held forth in the repeal of the stamp act, 
and some other gleams of a fairer prospect, which occasion- 
ally broke through the impending cloud, and partially bright- 
ened this western hemisphere, with a prospect of reconciha- 
lion, Morris, like Hawley, J. and S. Adams, Hancock, and 
others in Massachusetts and in other colonies, clearly per- 
ceived that this would not be realized. He saw that nego- 
tiation, petitions, and remonstrances would all fail, and that 

10* 



114 LEWIS MORRIS, 

» 

"after all we must fight." From this conclusion, early 
formed, he never varied. In the course it indicated he never 
faultered ; and for the safety of his country, and for se- 
curing the rights and liberty of her inhabitants, he felt deeply 
the necessity of entering on a system of measures for placing 
her in the best possible posture for resisting invasion. 

He was a patriot that knew not how to temporize. Although 
not precipitate, he was determined ; and his determination 
was of that calm, deliberate kind, which results from convic- 
tion. Hence it was that in his views, he was far in advance 
of many of the influential men in that colony. His circum- 
stances shielded him against any suspicion of espousing the 
American cause with a view to sinister objects. He was 
not ambitious or aspiring. He might have office if he desired 
it. His domestic life and comforts silenced every suggestion 
that selfish motives might have urged upon him. He could 
gain nothing. He might sacrifice all, by resisting the parent 
government. Yet he chose to resist ; and he did resist. 

When the act of parliament was made known, which re. 
quired a part of the inhabitants of the colony of New York, 
and others in other colonies, to furnish additional articles for 
the king's troops quartered among them, it gave rise to feel- 
ings of strong displeasure among the colonists at large. But 
in no one were they more general and decided than in New 
York. The law was entirely partial, operating exclusively 
on the inhabitants of those places where the troops were sta« 
tioned. 

In New York it was determined to resist the law, and pre. 
vent its being executed. Mr. Morris, although a private 
citizen, did not hesitate about declaring openly and on any 
occasion, that the law was unconstitutional and tyrannical, 
and that it was not to be submitted to unless by compulsion. 
The legislature refused to comply with the requisition ; and 
although compelled to submit by a superior force, he never 
wavered in his sentiments, nor in his exertions to rouse the 
people to prepare for the conflict which he saw approaching. 

The tragic scenes which were acting in New England, and 
especially in Massachusetts, about this time, combined their 
influence in convincing the colonies generally, that to pre 
tect themselves, and preserve their liberty, it was necessary 
to act in concert. This conviction led to the establishment 
of committees of correspondence, committees of safety, and 
to the general congress of 1774. To all these patriotic mea- 
sures Mr. Morris gave his countenance openly and without 



NEW YORK. 115 

reserve. At this era, when many even of his friends and 
fellow citizens clung to the hope that an amicable adjustment 
of the dispute would yet be effected, and the tranquil state of 
the colonies be no further disturbed, he saw no medium where 
he could indulge such a hope. With him the alternatives 
were — persist decidedly, or submit to tyranny ; fight, and 
conquer your enemies ; or yield to slavery on yourselves and 
posterity. Between these he would not hesitate. 

When the delegates to the first congress were chosen, few 
comparatively, even among the best informed and decidedly 
patriotic, contemplated war as the result of the dispute be- 
tween the colonies and England. The object sought and 
desired from the deliberations of that assembly, was a settle- 
ment in a pacific manner, of all the existing difficulties, and 
a preservation of the constitutional rights of the colonists, and 
yet continue connected with the parent government. 

Mr. Morris was too decided and frank in expressing his 
opinions, to be selected by the people of New York, with their 
feelings, for a member of that congress. His sentiments in 
favor of the rights of the colonies were too decided and ar- 
dent ; and his avowed opposition to the arbitrary conduct of 
the British parliament, was too bold and unaccommodating to 
take a part in the dehberations of an assembly, whose views 
extended no farther than loyal addresses, remonstrances, and 
petitions. 

But the time was near, and soon arrived, when men of 
other views, and other feelings, were required to take the 
Jead, and give a direction to the course to be pursued in fu. 
ture. Although the congress of 1774, contained a number of 
that character, there were others, whose resolution wa- 
vered, and whose hopes withered, when contemplating an 
open resistance of the power of Great Britain. The period 
between the first and second congress had disclosed occur- 
rences, and presented facts, which wrought a great change 
in the sentiments of the people at large ; and prepared them 
to commit their cause to the management of men, whose 
views and feelings corresponded with those which Mr. Mor- 
ris had long and openly avowed. He was now elected a 
delegate from the province of New York. In that assembly 
he found men of kindred spirits, and possessing views corre- 
sponding with his own. He was elected in April, and took 
his seat in congress, in May, 1775. 

With such sentiments as he had long entertained, respect- 
ing the nature and design of the contest, and the great object 



no LEWIS MORRIS, 

the English government had in view, relative to the Americaii 
colonies, on the one part, and the necessity, and the extent of 
resistence, by the colonies, on the other, he entered the hall 
of congress, and he was already prepared to enter on, and 
prosecute to the greatest extent, and the fullest effect, such 
measures of defence, and of resistence, to every invasion of 
his country's just rights, as congress might command. 

Before the session closed, he went to the westward, on 
the difficult service of endeavoring to dissuade the Indians 
from joining the British, and to induce them to unite with the 
Americans. On this mission he was absent in Pittsburgh, 
until the setting in of winter, constantly employed in promo- 
ting the views of congress, and in regular correspondence 
with the government, on the business in which he was en- 
gaged. In truth, he was employed, either in congress or out, 
continually, in providing for the defence, and safety of his 
country, whose cause he had espoused, with the fullest con- 
viction of its rectitude, and with a determination to sustain it 
till victory should perch on the banner of liberty, or to be 
buried in its ruins. 

The reluctance with which the great body of citizens, and 
also the provincial congress of New York, approached the 
subject of declaring independence, even after it had been 
nearly, if not fully resolved on by congress, was a serious 
embarrassment to the proceedings of their delegation. They 
were fully convinced of its indispensable necessity, to a suc- 
cessful resistance of England, and a vigorous prosecution of 
the war ; and they were strangely impressed with the great 
importance of having the measure sustained by an unani- 
mous vote, if practicable, at least by a majority in the dele- 
gation from the several states. But this awkwardness on the 
part of the people, and the congress of that province, lay as a 
heavy weight on their delegates, while the cannon of General 
Howe roused them from their lethargy, and in a few days, 
advanced them to a point of decision, which some other colo- 
nies had attained six months before. 

It cannot be surprising that the inhabitants of New York 
should feel some reluctance, when agitating the proposal of 
declaring independence. They had the desolation of the 
town of Falmouth, and some other places, presented before 
them, the sufferings inflicted on Boston by the occupation of 
a British army ; and their peculiar exposure to a bombard- 
ment by the British fleet then on the coast, as solemn admo. 
nitions of what they might expect would soon be dealt out 



NEW YORK. in 

to them, in their defenceless condition. But, in all their 
danger, Mr. Morris shared as amply as any other individual 
of the province. His elegant mansion, his fine estate,^is 
valuable timber, then growing in the vicinity of the city, and 
the exposed situation of his family — all these presented con- 
siderations of much weight to his mind, and all tending power- 
fully, to repress his ardor in favor of adopting such a bold 
and irrevocable measure, as that of renouncing allegiance to 
the royal government. But he acted not from selfish mo- 
tives in this instance. A high principle, a disinterested re- 
gard for the happiness of the country in all future time, which 
he believed would be secured by it, impelled him to advocate 
the measure at the moment when his own dwellings and fa. 
mily were within reach of the guns of an English squadron, 
then riding at anchor opposite to his residence. 

It is not easy to contemplate a situation attended with con- 
siderations more strongly tending to excite and quicken the 
feelings of a selfish heart, than that in which Mr. Morris was 
placed at the time when the question of independence was 
discussed on the floor of congress. But he was unmoved by 
them. He was stedfast ; and moved directly forward to the 
point ; and without hesitation sanctioned by his vote and sig- 
nature, that measure, which devoted his establishment to 
havoc and desolation, himself to the peculiar vengeance of 
the enemy, and his family to dangers and sufferings severe 
and numerous, but which rescued his country from vassalage. 

The result proved those sufferings to have been as many and 
53evere, as the most gloomy imagination with all its fore, 
bodings could have anticipated. His house was ruined, and 
his farm wasted. His cattle were driven off, and appro- 
priated to the subsistence of the invaders. His beautiful 
forest, of more than a thousand acres, given up to " havoc 
and spoil." His family driven into exile, and his whole estate 
subjected to all the desolating effects of an enraged soldiery, 
urged on in their work of destruction by feelings of vengeance 
toward the man who had boldly renounced allegiance. But 
the patriotism of his family, like his own, induced them to 
submit without murmuring to all the privations and sufferings 
they were called to endure, in the combat which was to de- 
cide the future condition of their country. 

His three eldest sons took up arms, and entered the field 
in defence of their country. They served with reputation in 
different capacities, and received, as they had merited, the 
approbation of congress. 



118 RICHARD STOCKTON, 

Mr. Morris relinquished his seat in congress in 1777, and 
was succeeded by his brother, Governeur Morris, and on 
his retirement, the same convention which elected his brother 
to supply his vacancy, passed a vote of thanks to him and his 
colleagues, " for their long and faithful services rendered to 
the colony and state of New York." 

He continued to serve his native state in her legislature, 
and as an oilicer of her mihtia until independence was ac- 
knowledged, peace restored, and the country was settled un- 
der the federal constitution. 

After the restoration of peace, he returned to his dilapidated 
estate ; and resumed his former employment of agriculture. 
In this he spent his declining years with that serenity 
which is derived from a consciousness of having devoted his 
life and talents in promoting the interest and happiness of his 
fellow men. 

He died in January, 1798, in the seventy-second year of 
his ao-e. He was buried in the family vault at Morrisania, 
with manv tokens of respect from his fellow citizens, and 
with the military honors due to his rank of major general of 
the militia of New York. 



NEW JERSEY. 



~H»9@04«»i 



RICHARD STOCKTON. 






This gentleman was descended from an English ancestry. 
His great grandfather came from England between the years 
1660 and 1670, and took up his residence a few years on \ 
Long Island, in the vicinity of New York. He is reported 
to have been possessed of a large property. A few years 
after he was settled on Long Island, he turned his attention to 
New Jersey ; and about 1680, he purchased a tract of land in 
that colony, near to Princeton, a beautiful town, containing a • 
respectable and flourishing seminary of learning, Nassau Hall. 

Two or three years after making the purchase, he with a i 
few associates commenced the first settlement which had r 
been begun by any Europeans in that district. There he 



NEW JERSEY. 119 

died in 1705. His name was Riciiard. To a son, bearing 
the same name, he bequeathed the principal part of his landed 
estate, in contbrmity with the existing custom in England, and 
the law of primogeniture. He, however, at his decease in 
1720, devised the tamily seat to his youngest son, whose 
name was John. He was a patron of science ; held several 
pubhc offices ; and was an upright and strictly religious 
man. In the latter part of his hfe, Princeton College was 
established near to his estate ; and possessmg both the means 
in an ample tbrtune, and the disposition, he was a liberal 
contributor to its funds. After a well-spent life, he expired 
in 1757, leaving to his eldest son, the subject of this memoir, 
abundant means for procuring the best education which could 
be obtained in tiie countn.'. 

Richard Stockton, v-ho signed the Declaration of American 
Independence, was born at his paternal residence in Somer- 
set county, near to Princeton, New Jersey, m the year 1730, 
on the tiast day of October. 

He commenced his education under the tuition of the Rev. 
Lemuel Fmley of West Nottingham, in the then province of 
^laryland. That was the seat of an academy, which at that 
early period, was one of the most flourishing seminaries 
south of New England. Having spent about two years in 
that school pursuing his preparatory studies, he was placed 
in New Jersey College, in Newark, then the seat of that insti- 
tution. He graduated in 174S, at its first aiuiual commence- 
ment. 

After leaving college, he entered on the study of law, under 
the instruction of the Hon. David Ogden of Newark, a dis- 
tinguished barrister, and the most eminent lav\'\'er in that 
province. Under the tuition of that gentleman. Mr. Stockton 
enjoyed the best advantages to be obtained at that early age 
of the countr}-. He was admitted to the bar in August, 1754, 
and four years after, to the grade of counsellor at law. He 
returned to his paternal residence, and rose with unusual 
rapidity, to the tirst rank of his profession ; and in a short 
time he became confessedly the first lawyer in New Jersey, 
in reputation and employment. In 1763. he received the 
degree of sergeant at law, a distinction established in the Eng- 
lish courts, and then recognized in their American colonies. 

Wishing to enjoy an opportunity for improving his mind, 
bv means not to be procured in America, he relinquished 
business during two years ; and embarked at Neu \ork in 
June, 1766. fjr London : where, after a pleasant vovaarp. he 



120 RICHARD STOCKTON, 

safely arrivetl. He was received and treated with a flatter- 
ing distinction, by some of tlie most eminent men in the king- 
dom ; and even had the honor (then considered a mark of 
great respect and distinction,) of being presented to the sove- 
reign by one of the ministers of state. During his visit 
in Great Britain, he procured much patronage to the infant 
college ; of whose honors he was one of the first recipients. 
His services in behalf of that institution were recognized on 
his return to New Jersey, in a manner highly creditable to the 
board of trustees, and honorable to himself, in a public vote 
of thanks. 

At that date, the affairs of the American colonies had begun 
to assume an interesting attitude in England ; insomuch that 
some of the most distinguished men in the kingdom had 
become partizans, for and against the colonies. He was 
consulted on the state of American affairs by the Marquis of 
Rockingham, by whom he was kindly and hospitably received, 
and entertained at his country-seat, during a week he spent 
at the mansion of his lordship. 

After passing some time in England, in prosecution of the 
objects of his visit to that country, he went to the north of the 
kingdom, and visited Edinburgh, where he was treated with 
marked civility and attention, by the most distinguished gen- 
tlemen, nobles, and civilians in North Britain. The Earl of 
Leven was very particular in his polite civilities to Mr. Stock- 
ton. He was received by the citizens of Edinburgh with 
much respect, visited by the lord provost of the city, invited 
to a public dinner, provided as a compliment to him, addressed 
by the lord provost on that occasion, and had the freedom of 
the city conferred on him by an unanimous vote of the city 
government, as a testimony of their respect. 

On that occasion he visited Doctor Witherspoon, at his resi. 
dence in Paisley, who had been a short time previously cho- 
sen president of Princeton College. Doctor Witherspoon had 
declined accepting the office, much to the regret of the trus- 
tees and others, who were interested in the prosperity of that 
college ; and by their request, Mr. Stockton waited upon Dr. 
Witherspoon, to try to prevail with him to reverse his first 
decision. And probably, his exertions had their desired 
effect. For a few months, subsequent to his visit. Doctor 
Witherspoon announced his acceptance of the appointment. 

In his progress through the united kingdom, Mr. Stockton 
visited Ireland, and received marked demonstrations of respect 
from distinguished gentlemen of Dublin. 



NEW JERSEY. 121 

Indeed, civilities and respectful attentions, highly grateful 
to his feehngs, seem to have been rendered to him by the 
people, in all parts of the kingdom that he visited. 

During the time he spent in Great Britain, he experienced 
two providential escapes, when his life had been exposed to 
imminent danger; once by an attack of a robber in Edinburgh, 
and the other by shipwreck. After engaging his passage 
across the Irish channel in a packet, his baggage having been 
left behind, he was in consequence of that mistake prevented 
from embarking, and remained on shore. This proved the 
cause of his preservation, for the packet was lost in a violent 
storm, and every person on board perished. This interposi- 
tion of Divine Providence in his behalf, made a deep and last- 
ing impression on his mind. He often spoke of the event with 
emotions of solemnity, and with lively gratitude to his Great 
Preserver. 

While Mr. Stockton was in London, he attended at West- 
minster Hall, and closely observed the various forensic elo- 
quence of the most distinguished barristers then living. At 
the same time, the decisions of the learned judges of their 
high courts, were attended to by him, with a view to his own 
improvement as an orator, and to enlarge his stock of legal 
science. Even the theatre was not wholly neglected by him ; 
as he correctly believed that he might derive benefit from the 
unrivalled talents of Mr. Garrick ; although in principle 
opposed to visiting theatres simply for amusement. He re- 
turned to his home, with his mind, originally brilliant, en- 
riched and improved with benefits derived from these vari- 
ous sources of instruction. He also, while in Ireland, became 
deeply impressed from actual observation, with the evils that 
would result to his country, by continuing in a colonial rela- 
tion with Great Britain. 

Having been absent from his family and friends more 
than a twelvemonth, and having left the charge of his busi- 
ness in the hands of others, he hastened to close his concerns 
abroad, and prepared for his return to the endearments of 
home. He reached America in September, 1767 ; and his 
arrival was greeted by his friends and neighbors with much 
pleasure ; which they evinced, by escorting him from the port 
where he arrived to his residence. 

In 1768, the year after his return from England, he com- 
menced his public life. He was elevated to a seat in the su- 
preme royal legislative, judiciary, and executive council of 
that province. In 1774, he was placed on the bench of the 

11 



122 RICHARD STOCKTON, 

supreme court ; where, for a time, he sat by the side of his 
early friend, and preceptor, the Honorable Mr. Ogden. 

He had received marks of personal respect, esteem, and 
confidence, from the king, and many of the distinguished 
statesmen, besides the several offices which had been given 
to him. He respected the private character of the king, but 
thought him influenced by bad advisers in his policy respect, 
ing the American colonies. Besides the motives arising out 
of these considerations, he had others which might very natu- 
rally incline him to favor the royal cause. His own fortune 
was ample. This, in the event of an open conflict, would be 
liable to suffer depredations ; his family would be exposed to 
many privations, if not immediate dangers, in case an inva- 
sion ensued ; and he must be necessitated to separate from 
numerous personal friends, and thus sacrifice strong and en- 
deared attachments. But all these, weighed in opposition to 
the welfare of his country, were not suffered to influence his 
determination. He had used his best exertions to prevent the 
anticipated crisis, while in Great Britain, but without success. 
After his return, he discovered, as he believed, a fixed and 
determined purpose, on the part of the parliament, to prose, 
cute the system of measures they had begun, until they had 
forced the Americans to acquiesce in their domination. He 
could discover no prospect of closing the breach already- 
made, consistently with the civil rights and liberty of his coun- 
trymen ; and, when the time of preparation came, he girded 
on his armor, and breasted himself for the storm. 

In June, 1776, the provincial congress of New Jersey 
elected Mr. Stockton a member of the general congress, at 
that time in session, at Philadelphia. The instructions given 
to him and his colleagues, by the provincial congress, were 
so ample, and of such a nature, that they were authorized to 
unite with delegates from other colonies, to take the most 
vigorous measures for supporting the rights and liberties of 
America; and if necessary for the attamment of these objects, 
to concur in declaring the united colonies independent of 
Great Britain ; and adopt such other measures as that step 
would render indispensable for framing a confederate govern, 
ment, negotiating treaties with foreign powers, for aid for 
commerce, and all other requisite acts, which the emergency 
might make it necessary to adopt. Although thus instructed 
and empowered ; and although he foresaw it must ultimately 
come to that result ; notwithstanding he had long weighed the 
important subject with much reflection; yet, when the proposal 



NEW JERSEY. 123 

Was discussed by congress, he deliberately listened to all the 
arguments presented in the debate. It had been supposed, 
that at the beginning of the discussion, he entertained some 
doubts as to the expediency of an immediate Declaration of 
Independence. But before it was closed, having attentively 
listened to all the arguments urged for and against it ; on 
hearing the remarks of Mr. John Adams, his mind was con- 
clusively determined in favor of adopting the momentous 
measure, without further delay ; and when the measure was 
carried, he signed the declaration. 

In September of the same year that he voted for, and set 
his signature to the Declaration of American Independence, 
he became a candidate for the office of governor of New^ 
Jersey, under the new constitution of the state. His com- 
petitor was William Livingston. On countmg the ballots, the 
vote was equal. The friends of Mr. Stockton, however, 
were induced to concur in the election of Mr. Livingston, for 
urgent reasons then operating on their minds ; but he was 
immediately jchosen chief justice of the state, by an unani- 
mous vote. He, however, declined the appointment. In the 
November following he was re-chosen a delegate to congress. 
He continued an active and very useful member of congress, 
during the summer and autumn of 1776, attending to his ar- 
duous duties, until in September, when he was deputed with 
Mr. Clymer of Pennsylvania, on a committee, to visit and in- 
spect the northern army, then under the command of Gene- 
ral Schuyler ; the powers with which they were invested were 
ample ; of great importance ; and of a very delicate charac- 
ter. Yet they were managed with so much wisdom, pru- 
dence, and sound discretion ; and the result was so beneficial 
to the cause, that the report of the services they performed, 
■when rendered to congress, received the entire appro^ 
bation of that body. On the termination of that mission 
he immediately resumed his seat in congress. His duty to 
his family, however, soon called his attention, and required 
his exertions to secure them from being captured by the ene- 
my, who were then triumphantly marching through New Jer- 
sey. His family residence lay in the supposed rout of their 
march ; and the American army was so reduced, and m 
such a suffering condition, that it could afford no protection to 
the inhabitants. The families of those who had signed the 
instrument which severed the colonies from the parent state, 
were peculiarly obnoxious to the British forces ; and Mr. 
Stockton was constrained to retire from congress to convf^y 



124 RICHARD STOCKTON, 

his own to a place of safety. After having conducted them 
into the county of Monmouth, about thirty miles from his 
residence, he resided with Mr. Covenhoven, a patriotic 
friend of his; and he, together with Mr. Covenhoven, was sur- 
prised, and made a prisoner, by a party of refugees, who had 
been informed of the place of his temporary residence, by a 
treacherous wretch. They were dragged from their beds at 
a late hour of the night ; stripped and plundered of their pro- 
perty, and conducted to New York. They first conveyed 
him to Amboy, shut him in the common goal, exposed him, 
thus destitute, to severe suffering by the cold weather ; and in ' 
New York, he was subjected to a similar confinement, and 
extreme suflfering. The severities he endured, during his 
imprisonment in Amboy and New York, laid the foundation 
for the disease which closed his life not long after. While 
in the latter place, the enemy withheld from him, not only the 
comforts, but even the necessaries of life ; and this, not- 
withstanding his respectability of character and standing in 
life, and a very delicate state of health. At one time he was 
left absolutely without food more than twenty-four hours ; and 
afterwards supplied with that which was coarse in quality, 
and scanty in amount. This treatment of Mr. Stockton, by 
the British, engaged the attention of congress, and General 
Howe was informed, if Mr. Stockton was not treated in a man- 
ner becoming his condition, and in conformity to the dictates 
of humanity, which had been observed by the Americans to- 
wards their prisoners, and which the established rules of mo- 
dern warfare demanded, he might expect a practical retalia- 
tion on those of the British who might fall into the power of 
the Americans. 

The complicated sufferings he endured while in captivity, 
the burning of his papers and fine library, the plundering 
of his property, particularly of his stock of horses and cattle ; 
the general depredations committed on his estate, real and 
personal, wherever it was exposed to the ravages of an 
incensed foe, and the losses he sustained by reason of thft 
ruinous depreciation of the continental paper currency, left 
him only the remnants of a large fortune, exhausted so entirely 
that it seemed to him only a mass of ruins ; and finding him- 
self so destitute of the means for providing comfortably for 
his family, he was compelled to resort to friends for a tem- 
porary accommodation, to procure the absolute necessaries of 
life. This caused a depression of spirits, out of which he 
never fully rose ; and aggravated a lingering disease which 



NEW JERSEY. 125 

terminated his life. He languished for a considerable time 
under this calamity which, in the latter part of his life, was 
much increased by a cancer in his neck, whose insidious and 
fatal approaches are always clearly perceived, without the 
least hope of remedy. He died on the twenty-eighth day of 
February, 1781, in the fifty-first year of his age. 

A minute delineation of character, does not comport with 
the design or limits of this work ; only a brief summar^^ can 
be given. The character of Mr. Stockton as a patriot, inflexi- 
bly devoted to the liberty, rights, and independence of his 
country, may be easily understood by what has been already 
stated. He not only pledged " his life, his fortune, and his 
sacred honor," for the attainment of his countr\^'s indepen- 
dence ; but he fully redeemed the pledge by becoming a 
martyr to her cause. His life was a sacrifice ; his fortune 
was nearly so ; and his sacred honor attended him to his 
grave; and remains behind him an untarnished legacy to 
his posterity and his country. As a lawyer, he was learned 
and upright. He falsified the charge sometimes alledged 
against " all lawyers," that they will espouse any cause for 
the pecuniary reward. He would not engatre to defend or 
advocate a case which he was not persuaded was just ; and 
he often defended the widow, the fatherless, and the poor, 
gratuitously, when by engaging agamst them, an ample com- 
pensation would have been given him. In this respect, he 
was strictly conscientious and exemplary. His eloquence 
was of a superior kind; pleasing, chaste, forcible, and per- 
suasive. As a judge on the bench, he was upright, perspi- 
cuous, and impartial ; and withal, so clear, that his decisions 
were generally satisfactory to the interested parties. 

As a member of the community in which he resided, he was 
in many respects a benefactor. He was dignified in his de- 
portment ; affable, kind, and condescending to his inferiors 
and dependents; a patron of science; an uniform promoter 
of virtues and honorable enterprise, but an enemy to every 
thing dishonest, hypocritical, and disingenuous. And, as a 
Christian, he was a firm believer in the evangelical doctrine 
of the gospel ; regulated his life by its precepts and injunc- 
tions, in a consistent and exemplary manner ; and in a pro. 
tracted and verj^ painful disease, he was sustained by a hope 
derived from its promises of attaining through death, to that 
rest which remains for the pious, beyond the grave. 

IP 



I2G JOHN WITHERSPOON, 



JOHN WITHERSPOON. 

This venerable gentleman, who was eminently distinguish- 
ed for his piety, learning, and a strong and powerful mind, 
as a divine, a president of a seminary of learning, and a 
statesman ; and whose name stands enrolled among those who 
signed the Declaration of American Independence, was born 
at Tester, a parish in the vicinity of Edinburgh, in Scotland, 
on the fifth day of February, 1722. He was lineally descended 
from the celebrated John Knox, the great and intrepid leader 
of the Reformation in Scotland. His father was a respectable 
minister in the church of Scotland, settled in the parish of 
Y ester ; and was much respected and beloved by the people 
of his pastoral charge. He, as might have been expected 
from such a father, bestowed much care and watchful attention 
upon the early instruction of his son, to pre-occupy his infant 
inind with moral and religious impressions, before it should 
t>e engrossed with those of an opposite character. Being 
fonvinced that it is much easier, by beginning right, to im- 
press the infant mind with right principles, us fast as it opens 
o receive them, and thus shut out wrong ones, than it is to 
eradicate the latter, afterthey have obtained admission through 
fieglect. And he was not disappointed. It was his early wish 
ihat his son might be fitted for the gospel ministry ; and he 
was gratified in eventually realizing the object of his wishes. 
For this care and wisdom of his father, in choice of the object 
for which he wished to educate his son, and the fidelity with 
which he attended to its accomplisliment, Doctor Witherspoon 
felt, and often expressed a pious gratitude towards his vene- 
rable parent. 

At an early age he was placed at the public school in 
Haddington, where he soon was distinguished for his assidu- 
ous appHcation to study, for his superior native powers of 
mind, and uncommon attainments in learning. Nor was he 
less distinguished for a discriminating power and quickness 
of perception, which comprehended whatever subject engaged 
his attention. With such native talents, thus faithfully im- 
proved, he was prepared for an early transfer from the pre- 
paratory academic school to the higher seminary, wliere he 
was to finish his literary course ; qualified to commence his 
professional studies. He was removed from Haddington 



NEW JERSEY. 127 

school to the university of Edinburgh, at fourteen years of 
ag€. There great credit was awarded him, for his dihgence 
and attainments in the various branches of learning, taught in 
that eminent seat of science ; and at an early stage of his the- 
ological studies, he gave indications of talents in sacred criti- 
cism, which characterized him in all his future iit^e. He 
prosecuted his professional course in the theological hall at 
the university, and left it at twenty-one years of age, a licen- 
sed preacher of the gospel. 

Such was the esteem in which he was held in the place of 
his nativity that the people of his father's parish, invited him 
to settle with them as an assistant minister with him, stipulat- 
ing for the right to succeed him in the charge after his father's 
decease. But having: received another invitation from the 
west of Scotland, to settle in the parish of Beith, he gave the 
latter his preference ; and was ordained there, with the univer- 
sal approbation of that congregation. In Beith he labored 
faithfully in the ministry several years, enjoying the esteem 
and affections ot a grateful and attentive people. 

When the battle of Falkirk was fought, he with several 
others had the curiosity to be present, that they might wit- 
ness the contest. Although they were near the scene of 
action, they took no part m the contest ; but, after the victory 
was decided in favor of the rebels, these persons paid rather 
a dear price for gratifying their curiosity. They were taken 
prisoners, and confined in the castle of Doune. Several of 
them effected an escape at a great risk of their hves. One 
lost his life in consequence of the attempt ; but Doctor With- 
erspoon seeing the disaster of his companion in the attempt, 
being the last of the number, concluded to remain till regu- 
larly liberated. 

After attending faithfully to the duties of his ministry' at 
Beith for several years, he was transferred to the large manu- 
facturing town of Paisley. He resided there, ministering to 
an affectionate people, and enjoying the respect and esteem of 
the surrounding country ; when an application was made to 
him to come to America, and take the presidency of the col- 
lege of New Jersey. While he resided in Paisley he was 
invited to Dublin, in Ireland; to Dundee, m Scotland, and to 
Rotterdam, in Holland ; to take the pastoral charge of a large 
congregation in each of those places, besides the application 
from the board of directors of New Jersey College. But he 
declined them all. To the latter he was invited in 1766, by 
an unanimous vote of the trustees of the institution, and was 



128 JOHN WITHERSPOON, 

informed of it by Richard Stockton, Esq. who was then in 
London. The trustees addressed a letter to Mr. Stockton, 
requesting him to visit Paisley, and personally inform Doctor 
Witherspoon of their request, and solicit his acceptance of 
the appointment. Little did either of them anticipate at that 
time, that they would become colleague members of the Ame- 
rican congress, and act together in declaring the independence 
of the American colonies, and setting their names, side by 
side, on the instrument by which that act was proclaimed to 
the world. Yet that event occurred in ten years from that 
date. Doctor Witherspoon declined this application for two 
seasons. There were considerations respecting the then ex- 
isting condition of the college, which decided him to give a 
negative reply to the apphcation. But Mrs. Witherspoon 
felt an unwillingness to leave the land of her nativity, and the 
residence of her connections, and this strengthened and con- 
firmed his decision at that time. Happily, however, both of 
these impediments in the way of his acceptance were re- 
moved, at a subsequent and no very distant period. Despair, 
ing of obtaining him, the trustees, about two months previous 
to their being informed by Mr. Stockton, that the obstacles to 
Doctor Witherspoon's acceptance were removed, had made 
choice of Doctor Samuel Blair ; but they immediately re- 
elected Doctor Witherspoon ; and Doctor Blair, on being in- 
formed that Doctor Witherspoon would now accept, imme- 
diately tendered his resignation. By that noble act of gene- 
rosity and disinterestedness of Doctor Blair, the trustees were 
relieved from a perplexing embarrassment, and the services 
of Doctor Witherspoon were secured to the seminary, to the 
great gratification of its iViends and patrons. 

Doctor Witherspoon arrived at Princeton in August, 1768, 
accompanied by his family. On his arrival being announced, a 
special meeting of the board of trustees was called, which met 
on the seventeenth day of that month, and inaugurated him 
as president of Princeton College. For some time previous 
to his arrival, the reputation of that college, once justly high, 
had been on the wane. His entering on his office as presi- 
dent marked a new era in its prosperity. His reputation had 
been widely diffused before he left Scotland, and had given 
rise to high anticipations in this country. On his arrival, and 
taking upon himself the charge of presiding over its interests, 
the effect in the country to revive its prosperity, was almost 
hnmediately beneficial. The number of students who sought 
instruction in that college increased rapidly. He brought 



NEW JERSEY. V29 

with him, and incorporated in the system of instruction, 
now revised, all the recent improvements that had taken 
place in the older seminaries of Great Britain, so far as was 
practicable in that comparatively feeble and infant institution. 
Indeed his acceptance of the presidency of Princeton College, 
conferred an important benefit on the cause of literature and 
science in America. Immediately after he entered on the du- 
ties of his office, the party feuds and dissensions that had ex- 
isted in the board of trustees, by his influence and prudence 
speedily subsided. The funds of the college, which were in a 
low condition, and still sinking, were in a short time aug- 
mented by the active exertions made use of in various parts 
of the country ; and the province of New Jersey, which had 
done nothing for the benefit of the institution previously to that 
time, was induced to lend some aid in promoting its prosper- 
ity. But his learning and his judicious and advantageous 
system of managing the establishment, were not among the 
greatest advantages resulting from the accession of Doctor 
Witherspoon to the presidency. Although the study of the- 
ology had occupied much of his time and attention, that he 
might be thoroughly furnished for a faithful discharge of the 
duties of his pastoral office, yet he was far from limiting his 
reading to works on theology. Sensible that a knowledge 
of every valuable science would contribute and enlarge the 
sphere of his usefulness to mankind, he applied himself to 
other branches of science, and became possessed of a know- 
ledge of almost every subject embraced in the circle of the 
sciences. He was well informed respecting the grounds of 
the controversy between Great Britain and her American 
colonies ; and early after his arrival in this country, became 
a decided advocate of the latter. Hence, when the college 
of Princeton was broken up by the incursions of the enemy, 
the citizens of New Jersey turned their attention to him to 
represent them in the general congress. By an election to a 
seat in that council of the nation, he was called to exercise 
his talents on a new theatre, where the variety of his learning 
and the vigorous powers of his mind were so happily displayed 
as to gather fresh lustre to his already extended reputation. 

He was called by the citizens of New Jersey, to assist 
them in framing a new constitution of government for that 
state, in 1776. And when he appeared in that body, and 
exhibited his knowledge of legislative science, those present 
who had made politics the object of their principal researches, 
were not a httle surprised at the readiness and intelligence 



130 JOHN WITHERSPOON, 

with which he investigated every subject which was discussed 
in that convention. 

He was chosen a delegate to the general congress, on the 
Iwenty.first of June. 1776, by the provincial congress of New 
Jersey ; and he took his seat in that body, a few days before 
the fourth of July, the memorable birth day of the American 
nation. He had deliberated on the great question whicli 
was then to be settled forever, in domestic retirement ; and 
when he was introduced, to take a part in the discussions of con- 
gress, on that important subject, he at once gave evidence of 
his preparation. 

Before his election, he had taken an active and decided 
part in the conventions, and revolutionary committees of New 
Jersey ; and had manifested his superior qualifications to 
conduct the interests of the state in a higher station. 

The maturity and decision of his judgment, on the great 
question of the independence of this nation, is shown in the 
laconic reply he gave to a remark made by a distinguished 
member of congress ; " That the people were not ripe for a 
Declaration of Independence," Doctor Witherspoon observed, 
''In my judgment, sir, we are not only ripe, but rotting." 

Doctor Witherspoon was continued a representative of 
New Jersey, in congress, during the years 1776, 1777, 1778, 
1779, 1781, and 1782. He was so constantly attentive to his 
duties, that it was a very unusual fact that he was absent from 
his seat, during the whole period of his appointment, for a 
single day. And he regarded the importance of sustaining 
his ministerial character in such a prominent point of view, 
ihat he never consented to substitute his clerical dress, for 
another more consonant with civil employment. This was 
done by some ministers who were also members of that 
body. But he considered it correct for himself, always to 
appear, wherever he might be, and however employed, in the 
insignia of his professional character, and strictly adhered to 
his views of propriety. It is proper in this place to remark, 
that he never, during his civil employments, lost sight of his 
ministerial duties, but embraced every opportunity that pre- 
sented, for preaching the gospel to his fellow men. 

It is deemed needless to specify particularly the various 
services, which he rendered as a member of congress. It is 
well known, that most of the important business transacted 
in that body, was submitted to special committees, to investi. 
gate, and report their views to the house. The superior in- 
telligence of Doctor Witherspoon on all the great subjects to 



NEW JERSEY. 131 

be decided by congress, presented him as a member pre- 
eminently qualified to be placed on most committees of great 
responsibility. His services were incessant, and unremitted ; 
and they were also of inunense advantage to the cause of the 
country's liberty and independence. 

He took a firm stand in opposition to the ruinous system 
of emitting a paper currency, after its excess had caused a 
considerable depreciation in its value. In communicating 
his views on that subject, which he maintained consistently to 
the end, he astonished his contemporaries by the extent of 
his financial knowledge, and minute and particular acquaint, 
ance with that intricate science. He also opposed the waste- 
ful system which had been adopted, for supplying the conti- 
nental army, by allowing a commission to the contractors, on 
all the moneys they paid out, instead of the system of forming 
special contracts, which he advocated, and which has since 
been adopted. 

In debating, his usual practice was to listen attentively to 
the remarks of others ; take minutes of what he wished to no- 
tice particularly ; compose his speech ; commit it to memory, 
which he did with much facility ; and when he appeared on 
the floor, he began with an exordium, in which he disposed of 
what had just been delivered, and then proceeded with his 
prepared speech, with so much regularity in noticing the 
several points brought forward in the course of the debate, in 
such regular order, and with so much force of argument, as 
both surprised and delighted those who heard him. His 
mind was quick in apprehending, and his memory powerful 
in retaining, what he read or heard. It was so much so, that 
his common method of preparing for the desk was, to com- 
pose his sermon, read it over three times only, leave his manu- 
script at home, and go and address his audience from mernoiy. 

While he was a member of congress, he acted a conspicu- 
<jus part, in the board of war, and the board of finance. He 
was also one of a commission, appointed by congress, on a 
request from New York and New Hampshire, to repair to 
Vermont, and adjust, if practicable, the disputes which had 
arisen between the settlers on the Green Mountains ; the juris- 
diction over which was claimed by both of these states, and 
disallowed by the settlers. The duty assigned him he per- 
formed ; but it was without the desired result ; nor was it 
finally settled until Vermont was acknowledged as an inde« 
pendent state, and became united to the confederacy. 

Doctor Witherspoon volumarily retired from congress at 



132 JOHN WITHERSPOON, 

the close of the year 1779, although he was again called 
upon to renew his important labors in that assembly. At the 
time of his retirement, he applied himself to the object of 
reviving the institution over which he presided, which had 
fallen into decay during the British invasion of New Jersey, 
The more active part of recommencing the course of instruc- 
tion was committed to his son-in-law, Vice President Smith ; 
while he sought some relaxation in a retirement to his own 
country-seat, about a mile from the college. But the in- 
fluence of his name and character, in connection with the 
college, was not withdrawn, but continued to be felt with a 
benign effect, on its reviving prosperity ; and its former re- 
putation was soon restored. 

Soon after the preliminaries of peace were settled between 
the United States and Great Britain, in 1783, on the urgent 
request of the trustees of that college, but contrary to his 
own judgment, he crossed the Atlantic to England, to try to 
obtain funds in behalf of that seminary, in the country from 
which this had but just then been severed for ever ; and while 
the feeling of resentment was still warm in England on that 
account. He predicted that the enterprise would probably 
prove unsuccessful : and thus it did in fact prove. He ob- 
tained but little more than sufficient to defray the expenses 
of the visit. On this excursion he was absent about nine 
months. On his return to New Jersey, he immediately en- 
tered upon his retirement, in which he spent the remainder of 
his life, as far as was consistent with the duties he was requir- 
ed to perform to the college, by reason of his office of presi- 
dent, and those belonging to his ministerial profession. 

If Doctor Witherspoon is viewed as a composer of ser- 
mons, he must be placed among the first rank of orthodox 
divines, in this or any other country. His printed sermons 
published in his works, in four vols. 8vo. are alone sufficient 
to confirm this opinion. But the public voice has already 
decided this as his character. And it is believed that no ju- 
dicious person, who reads his works, will dissent from the 
judgment of the public in this particular. 

His manner in the pulpit was grav-^, solemn, and deeply 
impressive. He engaged the attention of his audience at 
the beginning of his sermon, and it was continued unabated 
to the end. He was for some years occasionally subject to 
spasmodic convulsion fits, which were supposed to be of the 
apoplectic kind; and these were connected with a peculiar 
nervous susceptibility and a dizziness, which were wont to 



NEW JERSEY. 133 

be produced if he yielded to that ardency of manner, which 
his natural warmth of feeling strongly urged him. But having 
been subject to that calamity from an early period of his 
hfe he found it indispensable to his own safety, to adopt a 
grave solemn manner of delivery, in his public addresses, and 
carefully to discipline his natural ardor into a more safe and 
moderate manner. It was difficult to hear him without being 
both instructed and benefitted by his discourses. He possessed 
a strength of thought, and a force of expression, happily 
adapted to usefulness in a preacher of the gospel, rarely 
equalled, and still more rarely surpassed. 

About two years before his decease he lost his eyesight. 
But this affliction did not make him relinquish his ministerial 
duties. After he was unable to see his own way, he was 
often conducted into the pulpit by the hand of another, both 
at home and abroad. And when there, standing in the pre- 
sence of Him, who is the God of the sanctuary, with his 
own eyes shut in perpetual darkness, and precluded from the 
light of the sun, he presented to the beholders, one of the 
most impressive scenes imaginable. A venerable minister 
of the gospel, more than seventy years of age, himself blind, 
addressing to an assembly of accountable beings, the message 
of their Creator and Judge, concerning the most weighty sub- 
jects that can be imagined with a feeling of deep and ten- 
der concern for their welfare, with unabated earnestness, 
and with the grave solemnity of one who stood on the verge 
of eternity, hastening to finish his work, and preparing to give 
an account of his stewardship. If any combination of circum- 
stances could produce salutary impressions on the heart, we 
might naturally look for them in a case like that just mentioned. 

As a writer. Doctor Witherspoon possessed a great versa- 
tility of talent, which he could successfully apply to any sub- 
ject he chose to handle. His talent for wit and satire was 
almost unrivalled ; a weapon which he knew how to apply 
with irresistible force against an antagonist. Perhaps these 
remarks were never more fully verified, than in his "" Eccle- 
siastical Characteristics." He could on a proper occasion, 
exercise his pen with the ease and graceful pleasantry of 
Addison. 

He possessed a gigantic mind ; he wrote and published on 
many subjects ; and on each he gave the impress of his pow- 
erful intellect. 

His essay on the " nature, value, and uses of money," is ac- 
knowledged as one of the best that ever appeared in this country, 

12 



lU JOHN WITHERSPOON, 

and produced a happy influence on the minds of the commu- 
nity, on that intricate subject. Indeed, he never composed 
an essay for publication, without he had something important 
to communicate ; and he never pubhshed his views, without 
producing a good effect on the minds of his readers. 

His " Serious Enquiry into the Nature and Effects of the 
Stage," evinces a thorough acquaintance with the subject, a 
minute investigation of its influence and consequences on so- 
ciety, and a deep and intimate knowledge of the human 
heart. 

But among his works, those on theological subjects held the 
pre-eminence. And of these, may be selected, as among the 
happiest of his efforts, his essay on "justification by free 
grace, through Jesus Christ ;" and on " the nature, and ne- 
cessity of regeneration ;" and that on " the importance of 
truth in religion," or " the connection that subsists between 
sound principle and a holy practice." These several pro- 
ductions are not surpassed by any writings on those sub- 
jects, hitherto published in the English language. 

As a manager in civil and ecclesiastical politics, he was 
eminently skilful, wise, and successful. This he evinced be- 
fore he left his native country, in the controversy betweer* 
" moderate," and " orthodox" parties, into which that brancli 
of the Scottish church was divided ; and which called forth 
the " Ecclesiastical Characteristics," before mentioned. Al- 
though for a time he was in the minority, by his address 
and prudent management, without resorting to any unwor- 
thy or improper measures, he succeeded in obtaining the ma- 
jority to co-operate with him, and in securing a complete tri- 
umph of the cause which he believed to be just ; in which be- 
lief many of the wisest and most upright ministers and 
dignitaries of the English church, fully concurred. In the 
presbyterian church of the United States, his character and 
influence were justly held in high respect and estimation. 
In their judicatories he was eminently useful, by his know- 
ledge of the general subjects which came before them, by 
liis acquaintance with the correct rules of conducting them, 
and the facility with which he disentangled the intricacies and 
embarrassments, with which thev were sometimes encum- 
bered. " He was clear and conclusive in reasoning ; and 
from a peculiar soundness of judgment and a habit of busi- 
ness, skillful in conducting every discussion to the most speedy 
and decisive termination." And when he was taken awav 



NEW JERSEY. 155 

by death, it might have been said with truth, that a great 
man had fallen. ^ 

At length, bodily infirmities, which had been creeping upon 
him for years, and gradually undermining his constitution, 
attacked him with an accumulated force, which was increas- 
ed by the loss of his sight. His regular bodily exercise was, 
by this affliction, necessarily greatly diminished, by reason of 
which his health suffered ; and it was apparent that his useful 
life was fast approaching to a close. He endured his suffer, 
ings with a patience and cheerfulness becoming the charac- 
ter of a Christian minister, when called to exemplify the gospel 
he had preached to others, in the closing scene of life. He 
was released from his labors, trials, and sufferings, on the fif. 
teenth day of November, 1794, in the seventy. third year of 
his age. 

Doctor Witherspoon was twice married. His first wife 
was a Scottish lady, a Miss Montgomery, to whom he was 
united in early life. She was a pious, benevolent, exemplar^' 
Christian. 

His posterity, (all by his first marriage,) consisted of three 
sons and two daughters. Ann, the eldest, was married to the 
Reverend Samuel Stanhope Smith, his successor in the presi- 
dency of the college. Frances was married to Doctor David 
Ramsey, of Charleston, South Carolina, the historian of the 
American revolution. Her interesting memoirs, written by 
her husband, have been extensively read and admired by the 
pious, throughout the United States. 



— ttgQon — 



FRANCIS HOPKINSON. 

Francis Hopkinson was born at Philadelphia, in the year 
1737. His parents were English people of respectable stand- 
ing in their native country, whence they emigrated while 
young, and settled in Philadelphia. His mother's name was 
Johnson, a niece of the then Bishop of Worcester. Mr. 
Hopkinson and his wife appear to have been well educated ; 
and to have been connected with literary and polite society in 
England ; and they maintained a corresponding standing in 
Philadelphia. 

Mr. Thomas Hopkinson, the father of Francis, was the 



136 FRAJ^CIS HOPKINSON, * 

personal friend of Doctor Franklin, and was associated with 
him yi some of his philosophical experiments, 

Mr. Hopkinson did not continue long to benefit and adorn 
society. He was removed by death in the prime of life ; and 
he left his amiable and excellent wife a widow, with a large 
family of children, with but a moderate income for their sup- 
port and education. At the time of his father's death, his son 
Francis was but fourteen years old ; but he was blessed with 
a good mother. 

She devoted herself to the early education and moral and 
religious instruction of her children ; superintending them 
herself, until their religious principles were so formed and 
established, that they might be trusted away from her imme- 
diate inspection, which was requisite for finishing their edu- 
cation. To this interesting employment Mrs. Hopkinson 
devoted herself, denying herself every indulgence and enjoy- 
ment which interfered with this her first of earthly duties. 
To the formation of their manners and character, on correct 
principles of morality and religion, she applied herself with 
care and assiduity, until she deemed it safe to send Francis to 
a literary seminary. She then sent him to the college of 
Philadelphia, in the first class of which he was a graduate. 

On his leaving that school, he commenced the study of law, 
in which science he made rapid proficiency. After having 
finished his studies as a pupil, and been admitted to the bar as 
a practitioner of law, in the year 1705, he took a voyage to 
England to visit his relatives, and to improve his mind. There 
he spent about two years ; after which he returned in 1768, 
to his native land, and soon after he was united by marriage 
to Miss Ann Borden, of Bordentown, in New Jersey. 

The incidents to be recorded of Mr. Hopkinson's public 
life are few ; he represented the state of New Jersey in con- 
gress, in 1776, and set his signature to the Declaration of In- 
dependence, with the other patriots who adopted that most 
important measure in the name of their country. He had the 
appointment of loan officer for a number of years, the duties 
of which he discharged with fidelity. On the decease of 
George Ross, Esq., he received an appointment to the office 
of judge of admiralty for the state of Pennsylvania ; which 
office he held until 1790, when President Washington ap- 
pointed him district judge of the same state. He discharged 
the duties of both these offices with fidelity and ability. 

During the time of his entire life parties ran high, both in 
Pennsylvania and in the United States. A man of his warm 
feelings and ardent patriotism, who had embarked his fortune 



NEW JERSEY. 137 

and exerted his best efforts to secure the benefits of the revo- 
lution, it was not to be supposed would be idle, or an indiffe- 
rent spectator, looking quietly on without becoming a decided 
partizan. He was a firm whig in the revolution, a decided 
republican in principle, and in pohtics a federalist. Mr. Hop- 
kinson was an able, sagacicus, and efficient advocate of the 
principles of the party he espoused. He had a great talent 
for humor and satue. His country will long remain indebted 
to his w ritings, the truits of his peculiar genius for their effects 
in the revolutionary conflict. His numerous publications, 
happily adapted to the times when they appeared, were very 
popular, were read with great avidity ; and they produced in 
a great degree, the effects he wished, in cheering and anima- 
ting his countrymen, when public disasters had a tendency to 
produce public despondency. 

His literary acquirements were various ; and he appears to 
have possessed the talent, not very common, of handling 
any subject to which he gave his attention, with peculiar 
facility. And all his nat ve powers and various acquisitions 
he devoted to the good of his country, with a peculiarly happy 
adaptation to the occasions when he exerted them. His hu- 
mor was refined and chaste ; always giving pleasure, without 
wounding or offending any person. This rendered him a 
pleasing companion in every social circle in which he min- 
gled. 

The effect of his writings on the occasions which called 
them forth, was powerful and decisive. Although several of his 
tracts were as ephemeral as the occasion which elicited them, 
having answered the end designed, they have passed away 
with the pleasure which they afibrded to their interested rea- 
ders. But there are some of his effusions which will remain, 
to perpetuate his reputation to a remote age, at least, so long 
as men are pleased with pure wit and genuine humor. Among 
several, it will not be amiss to particularize " The battle of thv 
kegs'^ and his " Essay on the properties of a salt box. " 

He had been for several years subject to the gout, which 
at length was of that kind that is denominated misplaced by 
medical writers. It frequently attacked him in the head ; 
and though he had experienced a considerable respite from 
those attacks for some time preWous to his decease, at length 
he was seized with an apoplectic fit, which caused his death 
in the course of two hours, in the fifty-third year of his age. 

He left behind him a widow and five children ; two sons 
and three daughters. 

13* 



138 JOHN HART, 



JOHN HART. 

The gentleman whose life we are now to sketch, was one 
who could be induced by no sinister motives to assume the 
posture of resistance. He had nothing to hope for which 
could add to or increase his domestic comfort and enjoyment. 
Although not affluent, yet he possessed a farm sufficiently 
large and productive, to furnish all the means necessary for 
the support and education of his numerous family. This 
farm, lying in Hunterdon county, New Jersey, he superin- 
tended and cultivated ; his house was the seat of hospitality, 
charity, and piety. Surrounded by a promising family, and 
in the midst of a neighborhood, who by common consent 
gave him the deserved and most honorable title of " Honest 
John Hart," and respected by all for his consistency of charac- 
ter, and loved for his moral, social, and religious virtues ; what 
more had this man to wish for 1 What had he not to hazard, 
and not improbably to sacrifice, by resisting the authority of 
Great Britain, and the laws of the English parliament? He 
sought not for honor ; he desired not office ; he felt no eager- 
ness for emolument ; happy in his family and neighbors ; 
contented with his possessions, and desirous of no change in 
his circumstances ; what could influence him to rebel against 
a government that never had oppressed him ; and which, if it 
established its claims, and carried them into practical opera- 
tion, would never subject him to any pecuniary burden de- 
serving a moment's regard? His motive was the maintenance 
of a principle imbibed in childhood, that liberty was his ina- 
lienable right, which he was under an indispensable obligation 
to deliver unimpaired to his children, and to defend against 
tyranny and usurpation at the hazard of life and fortune. 

His father, from whom he inherited considerable patri- 
mony, was Edward Hart, of Hopewell township, in Hunter- 
don county. New Jersey. He raised a volunteer corps, 
called " The Jersey Blues" with whom he marched to Que- 
bee, and arrived there in season to share in the victory, 
and witness the fall of General Wolfe, in the " Old French 
war." From that corps the title of Jersey Blues has been 
continued, and handed down, with honorable distinction to 
the present time. His son John took no active part in the 
military achievements and enterprises of that period. In- 



NEW JERSEY. 139 

dulging his domestic predilections, he remained at home, cul- 
tivating his farm with his own hands. In possession of every 
thing which this world could furnish to render him contented, 
he remained with his family ; but at the same time he kept 
his eye steadily fixed on the proceedings of parliament in 
relation to the colonies, and was one of the first to become 
persuaded of the direct tendency and certain consequence 
of the principle set forth in the stamp act ; and was convinced 
that nothing short of absolute slavery would be the condition 
of the colonists, unless they resisted the claim of taxing them 
without their consent. There he early took his stand, and 
uniformly maintained it, in accordance with the principle he 
avowed, that an imposition of taxes on a people, without their 
concurrence by representation, was despotism ; and to this 
he resolved never to submit. Hence he cordially united 
with others in electing delegates to the first general con- 
gress, which convened in the city of New York, in the au. 
tumn of 1765. 

The repeal of the '* Stamp act," and the dismissal of the 
I)uke of Bedford and Mr. Grenville from the ministry, and 
ahe appointment of the Marquis of Rockingham, afforded 
cordial satisfaction throughout the colonies ; and the people 
of New Jersey participated in the general pleasure in full 
proportion with the other colonists. They flattered them- 
selves that the design of parliament, which had caused so 
much alarm, and produced such a general excitement through- 
out the provinces, was now laid aside, not to be renewed. 
What strengthened this confidence greatly was the popularity 
of the new minister in America, who was supposed to favor 
the claims of the colonies, and to entertain friendly feelings 
toward them generally. 

While some viewed "the declaratory act," as it was called, 
as intended to sooth the feelings of those lofty spirited men 
who had upheld the Grenville administration, there were not 
a few who were better acquainted with the disposition of the 
men from whom the king would select his cabinet ; and 
whatever they might hope, their fears still prevailed that 
it was a secret reserve to be called into operation whenever 
the parliament should deem it expedient. These, of course, 
carried their views forward, anticipating the time when the 
claim of a right to impose taxes on the colonists with- 
out their consent would be insisted on again. Nor were 
they deceived. For when, in 1767, Charles Townsend 
brought the plan of revenue^ including a number of articles 



140 JOHN HART, 

on which a duty was to be paid on their being imported into 
the British American colonies, the whole community took 
alarm again, and were fully convinced that the repeal of the 
stamp act was only a lure to deceive them, and quiet their 
former apprehensions. Perhaps no man felt this spirit of re- 
sistance more uniformly or with a more inflexible determina- 
tion than Mr. Hart. He resolved not to yield the principle 
but with life. To this determination he adhered without 
wavering, until the revolutionary war was closed, and the 
object for which it was maintained had been achieved. In 
the prosecution and progress of that war few individuals suf- 
fered more in pecuniary losses and personal afflictions than 
himself. 

He cheerfully and with the utmost cordiality united in the 
non-importation agreement, and promoted it with his utmost 
influence. The oppressive measures of the ministry were 
sustained by parliament, as has been often mentioned in this 
volume. The partial repeal of Townsend's revenue system 
still left the duty on tea. The opposition to its importation 
into the colonies became universal ; and the situation of that 
brought into Boston and New York is well known to every 
reader in the least degree conversant with the history of the 
period. The destruction of the tea in Boston produced the 
retaliation of the parliament in the Boston port bill ; and this, 
together with preceding measures, brought together the con- 
gress of 1774. Of that venerable and ever to be respected 
body, Mr. Hart was a member. 

From congress, when it adjourned, he returned to his do- 
mestic pursuits, awaiting the result of the measures which 
they had adopted. 

In the early part of the following year, he was again ap- 
pointed a delegate to congress by the general assembly of 
New Jersey, and attended in his seat in the May following. 

" The Lexington Battle" having intervened between his 
election in January, and the meeting of congress in May, 
1775, a spirit of resentment was roused throughout the pro. 
vinces, and pervaded congress as well as their constituents, 
Mr. Hart being then about sixty years of age, was found to 
be very useful, by the influence which he exerted in modera- 
ting the more youthful delegates, especially those from the 
southern colonies. 

As congress before their adjournment had adopted such 
measures of defence as the situation of the country demanded, 
sro far as the meaug within their power would justify, an ad^ 



NEW JERSEY. 141 

journment took place ; when Mr. Hart again resumed his do- 
mestic employments, with that simplicity and singleness of 
mind which he had evinced in every situation where he had 
been called to act. He now found that the concerns of his fami- 
ly and his estate demanded his care and attention ; and feeling 
convinced that his presence was less needed in congress than 
at home, he requested the assembly which elected him, for 
reasons he assigned, to accept his resignation, which he then 
tendered. This was accepted, and he in a great measure 
withdrew for a short period from public business. During that 
time, however, he continued a member, and was vice presi- 
dent of the colonial assembly. 

At that time, the royal authority having ceased in the pro- 
vince, the assembly gave place to a convention of deputies 
from several counties, which consisted exclusively of whigs 
of decided character. This convention exercising the execu- 
tive and legislative powers of the province, immediately re- 
solved to put in requisition Mr. Hart's services, which they 
deemed too valuable to the interests of the country to be dis- 
pensed with ; and on the fourteenth day of February, 1776, 
reappointed' him a delegate to the general congress. Impress- 
ed with the importance which was attached to the election, 
he again took his seat in that national council, when it came 
together. With great promptness and unanimity, the conven- 
tion instructed their delegates to unite with the delegates 
from other provinces, to consent and agree to what ever mea- 
sures congress might deem necessary, for the defence and 
security of the rights and liberties of the Americtm colonies ; 
and pledged themselves as the legal representatives of New 
Jersey, to execute whatever measures congress might adopt, 
with their utmost power. 

Although the language of their instructions would have 
justified the delegates in uniting at once, in dissolving their 
allegiance to the king and parliament of Great Britain, and 
the state would have stood pledged to approve of and support 
their decision ; yet it is more than probable, that few if any 
of their leading men, at that time, even contemplated such p. 
measure being presented for the consideration of congress. 
It appears evident that all hope of a reconciliation with Great 
Britain was not then extinguished ; but as in the adjoining pro- 
vince of Pennsylvania, so in New Jersey, a few months only 
produced a general and entire revolution of feeling and sen- 
timent on that subject, throughout New Jersey, and the peo- 
ple were ripe for an entire separation from the parent govern- 



142 JOHN HART, 

ment. In producing this revolution, the information which 
was received, tliat England was in treaty with some of the 
German princes, to obtain mercenary troops to assist them in 
subduing the colonies, had much influence to induce their re- 
presentatives in congress to harmonize in sentiment with the 
people. It was deemed all important that their delegates should 
not only truly represent the feelings of the people, but that they 
should do it unanimously. The provincial congress therefore 
proceeded to effect the changes necessary for these objects. 
In this new choice, while some of the existing delegates were 
omitted, and others substituted, Mr. Hart, whose views and 
sentiments had been uniform, and were well known, was 
retained in his oflice. This was etiected subsequently to the 
introduction to congress by Richard Henry Lee, of the reso- 
lution, which brought the question of declaring the indepen- 
dence of the colonies immediately into discussion. This placed 
him among the bold advocates and signers of that declara- 
tion, which was decided on the memorable fourth of July, 
1776, and gave him a passport to immortality. 

It has been mentioned before, that in the event of open 
hostilities, the situation of Mr. Hart's estate would peculiarly 
expose him, his family, and property, to the ravages and 
desolations of the enemy. The time had now arrived when 
he was to realize the full measure of the evils which he had 
anticipated. 

It may be remembered, that all those patriots who advo- 
cated the independence of the colonies, were pre-eminently 
the objects of British resentment, and when their names were 
disclosed by the publication of the declaration, they were im- 
mediately pointed out to the soldiery, to be captured and se- 
cured if possible, as victims of royal and military vengeance. 

The invasion of New Jersey by the British, as was clearly 
anticipated, placed Mr. Hart in that condition in each of these 
particulars. His family, by a timely and distant retreat from 
their dwelling, were saved from personal violence. His 
farm was ravaged, his stock, which was large and valuable, 
became the enemy's spoil ; and Mr. Hart himself compelled 
to tind lodging where he might, never deeming it safe to remain 
under the same roof two nights in succession. This condi- 
tion of himself and family continued until General Washing- 
ton's successful march upon Trenton, and capture of the Hes- 
sians posted there, compelled the foe to evacuate New Jersey. 

Although he did not live to see the war terminated by an 
acknowledgment of American Independence, yet he survived 



NEW JERSEY. 143 

\ong enough to see a brighter prospect open to his country, 
giving strong indications, if not assurance, that the object for 
which he had suffered and sacriticed so much, would bo 
achieved. Contemplating with pleasing anticipations the 
opening prospect of a political regeneration of the nationS; 
and steadily pursuing the way of holiness, by a faithful dis- 
charge of his daily duties to God, and his fellow men, ho 
calmly waited for the summons, which he daily expected to 
call him home. At length that summons arrived, and found 
him prepared. In the year 1780 he closed his useful and 
honorable life. 



—>hoQ9 



ABRAHAM CLARK. 

The gentleman whose name stands at the head of this arti- 
cle, was a native of New Jersey, born in the borough of Eli- 
/.abethtown, on the fifteenth of February, 17*26. He was the 
only child of his parents, who were farmers ; and to him their 
patrimony descended regularly from his first American ances- 
tor, who settled upon it. He was educated to the business of 
agriculture, which his predecessors had followed ; but having 
a slender constitution, he did not pursue it. 

He devoted his early years to study, and became a practi- 
cal surveyor ; and w as employed in the business of surveyor 
and conveyancer. He also paid considerable attention to the 
study of law. He did not enter professionally into the prac- 
tice of law ; but by his acquaintance with the science, he be- 
came very useful as a counsellor among his neighbors ; and 
his services which were much sought after, were rendered 
gratuitously. For this he was highly esteemed by his neigh- 
bors, and it procured him the enviable title of the " poor man's 
counsellor." 

Under the colonial government, Mr. Clark had held the of- 
fice of sheriff of the county of Essex, and also that of clerk of 
the general assembly. Of the various offices which he held 
in the province, while it was under the royal government, he. 
discharged the several duties with fidelity. Hut when the 
question was presented for his consideration, either to submit 
to the oppressive measures of the parent government, or to 
resist, and «tand boldly in defence of the just constitutional 
yigtits of the colonies, his patriotic iove of country left him no 



144 ABRAHAM CLARK, 

grounds for hesitation. He felt the allegiance which was 
due to his country ; and he decided to espouse its cause, and 
stand or fall with it. He devoted the remainder of his life to 
the public interests. He stepped forward in the rank of her 
first citizens, and became one of the chief actors in the impor- 
tant scenes, which appalled many less firm and resolute men, 
whose wishes were on the side of the country. 

After the state of the country became so alarming, that it 
was deemed necessary to institute committees of vigilance 
and public safety, and to resort to other means of protection 
against the influence of the existing royal governments, and 
their adherents, the tories, Mr. Clark was placed by his fellow 
citizens on several such committees, but especially on that 
of public safety ; as a member of which he soon became dis- 
tinguished for his activity and watchfulness. He omitted no ex- 
ertions for promoting the rising spirit of opposition among the 
people, and for increasing that patriotic energy, which was 
essential for ensuring success to the cause in which he was 
engaged. 

His distinguished activity and important services in promo- 
ting the common interest, attracted the attention of the com- 
munity, and pointed him out as worthy of their confidence, to 
serve them on a more conspicuous theatre. Consequently, 
in 1776, he was appointed together with Hart, Hopkinson, 
and Withe rspoon, to represent New .lersey in the general 
congress. Their instructions were ample, and caused them 
no embarrassment when the question of independence came 
up for decision ; for that subject was explicitly recognized in 
them, giving them full power to unite with the delegates from 
other colonies, in effecting a separation from the government 
of Great Britain. To that memorable act he gave his cor- 
dial assent ; and in doing it committed to the hazard of an un- 
certain result, his life, his family, and his property. His first 
appointment to congress was in June, and his second in No- 
vember, of 1776 ; and he was annually returned a member of 
that body until 1783, with a single exception only. During 
that long term of service, he, like all his fellow patriots of 
that assembly, was actively employed in the service of th© 
country, which was then struggling for political existence. 

After the return of peace, he seems to have retired from 
congress for some years. But in 1788, he was again brought 
forward by his countrymen, and took his seat again in the 
^general congress. 



NEW JERSEY. 146 

During the time of his absence from congress, he was 
a member of the state legislature, in which he maintained a 
leading influence. 

After the close of the revolutionary war, when the nation 
was almost without a government, popular commotions were 
excited in New Jersey, of a kindred spirit with those in Mas- 
sachusetts, although they did not extend, as in the latter state, 
to insurrection and civil war. Against these, and the claims 
of those who favored them, Mr. Clark, at the hazard of his 
personal safety, opposed his influence in an open and decided 
manner. 

He opposed also the commutation of pay to the ofiicers of 
the army. The act of congress proposing it, caused great 
popular commotion through the whole country, and excited 
strong opposition to the measure. On the propriety of it. 
eminent men were found on both sides of the question. The 
objection to it probably arose from the impoverished condition 
of the people, who had been drained of their means of subsist- 
ence by the long and burdensome war of the revolution. Mr. 
Clark was honest and conscientious in the course he took. 

He early saw the insuflSciency of the old confederation 
for the necessities of the country in a time of peace, and 
exerted himself to procure a more efficient government, better 
adapted to the national wants. One thing which especially 
urged him to this, was the conduct of the legislature of 
New York, in passing laws for levying duties, and collecting 
revenue on vessels of other states, which visited her ports. 
When a convention was resolved upon to frame a new constitu- 
tion, in 1787, he was chosen a delegate for New Jersey, but 
did not join that assembly, having been prevented by ill 
health. He was opposed to the constitution, as it came from 
the convention ; but subsequent amendments having removed 
his objections, he became its friend, and advocated its adoption. 

He was a candidate for election to the first congress un- 
der the new con "^itution, but failed. He was then appointed 
by the legislature, a commissioner for settling the accounts 
of the state with the United States of America, which had 
been contracted during the war. This was an arduous ser- 
vice. He held the office, and discharged its duties, until the 
next choice of representatives to congress ; when being a 
candidate, he was elected, and took his seat in the second 
congress under the federal government, and under the presi- 
dency of General Washington. He was re-elected to thj? 
same office until near the close of his life. 

13 



146 ABRAHAM CLARK, 

Constitutionally Mr. Clark was ardent. He zealously sup- 
ported whatever he conscientiously believed was right. But 
his ardent temperament predisposed him to be a warm parti- 
zan ; and such he manifested to be himself on several occasions. 
He zealously favored " Mr. Madison's discriminating resolu- 
tions" in favor of French commerce, which he introduced 
into congress a short time previous to the nomination, by 
President Washington, of Mr. Jay, as minister to Great Bri- 
tain. He also laid a resolution before congress for suspend- 
ing all intercourse with Great Britain, until she had made 
compensation to American citizens for injuries they had sus- 
tained by the British cruisers, and delivered up the western 
posts, according to the stipulation of the treaty of peace. 
But neither of those measures was sanctioned by congress, 
though warmly discussed, according to the party feelings of 
that period, which the French revolution had occasioned in 
the United States. The wisdom of the president suggested 
a different course ; and Mr. Jay having successfully pursued 
it, by negotiating a treaty with England, the United States 
were, for that time, saved from the evils of a war with which 
they were threatened. 

During his public life, MrV Clark seems to have acted witli 
honest conviction, and disinterested motives. He had two 
sons, who held commissions in the American army, who 
were captured by the British, and confined in the Jersey 
Prison Ship, during a part of their captivity ; and their suffer- 
ings were severe ; but a representation to congress, by caus- 
ing a retaliation on a British officer, soon produced a miti- 
gation of their severity. 

Mr. Clark retired from public life when congress adjourned 
in June, 1794, and in the autumn fell a victim to a stroke of 
the sun, of which he died in the sixty-ninth year of his age ; 
and was buried in the church yard of Rahway. 

Thus closed the life of a man, who 

" Firm and decided as a patriot, 

Zealous and faithful as a friend to the public, 

He loved his country. 

And adhered to her cause 

In the darkest hours of her struggles 

Against oppression."* 

* Inscription on his raonument. 



PENNSYLVANIA. 147 



PENNSYLVANIA. 

ROBERT MORRIS. 

The gentleman, on whose memoirs we now enter, in the 
important services he rendered to this country in her struggle 
for establishing her liberty and independence, stands second 
only to Washington. Indeed, it might almost be doubted, 
whether the contest could have been brought to a successful 
close, if the nation had not enjoyed the benefit of his active 
and powerful mind, and his extraordinary financial talents. 
His wisdom, skill, and activity, in a short period, raised the 
desponding spirit of the states from a depression verging on 
despair, to a reviving prosperity, and a cheering prospect of 
ultimate success, which appeared at the time almost miracu- 
lous. He seems to have been qualified for that particular 
juncture, and entirely educated for the sphere he occupied. 
And it may be repeated, without fear of contradiction, that 
the inhabitants of the United States are under greater obliga- 
tions to Robert Morris, than to any other individual, except 
the Father of his country. 

Robert Morris was a native of England, born in Lanca- 
shire, in January, 1733. His father was a respectable mer- 
chant in Liverpool, who was extensively engaged in the co- 
lonial trade, particularly the American. He came to this 
country while his son was but a child, and established himself 
in Oxford, on the eastern shore of the Chesapeake Bay, leaving 
his son in the care of his grandmother. After he had become 
settled, he sent to England for his son, who arrived at his 
father's residence, when he was but thirteen years of age. 
His advantages for obtaining an education were very limited. 
He was placed at a school in Philadelphia. But the qualifi- 
cations of his instructor were imperfect, and his advantages 
for improvement were, consequently, of an inferior grade. 
On one occasion, having been reproved by his father, for his 
slow progress in learning, he replied " Why, Sir, I have 
learned all that he could teach me." 

Young Morris was left, like his colleague Clyme-r, an or- 



148 ROBERT MORRIS, 

phan early in life. His father was cut off in the midst of 
his prosperity in the following manner. He had, on the ar- 
rival of a ship from Liverpool, of which he was appointed an 
agent by the foreign owner, invited a large party of his 
friends to dine on board of her. Just as he was prepared to 
leave the scene of festivity, to return on shore, the commander, 
to honor the occasion, fired a salute. A wad from one of the 
guns struck Mr. Morris on his arm, which inflicted a wound 
that mortified, and caused his death. This occurred about 
two years after young Morris arrived in America, and when 
he was about fifteen years old. His fatiier had placed him 
in the compting room of Mr. Charles Willing, one of the first 
merchants in Philadelphia. By the fidelity of his conduct he 
soon acquired the confidence and esteem of his master ; and 
by his activity and intelligence in conducting the business of 
the house, he not only manifested his superior capacity in 
mercantile transactions, but added to the prosperity of the 
connection, by some speculations, the responsibility of which 
he assumed in the absence of his principals. The address 
of Mr. Willing to him, when on his death-bed, furnishes a 
strong and unequivocal evidence of his esteem for Morris's 
character and conduct. Shortly before he expired, Morris 
being present, he thus addressed him, " Robert, always con- 
tinue to act as you have done." 

In 1754, Mr. Morris formed a connection in mercantile 
business with Mr. Thomas Willing. He was the acting 
partner in that firm, which continued till 1793, (a period of 
thirty-nine years;) and which soon became one of the first 
commercial houses in Philadelphia ; and their importations 
from England were very extensive. Yet, notwithstanding the 
loss they must sustain by agreeing to a non-importation com- 
pact, when the interest of the colonies required the sacri- 
fice, to counteract the designs of the British ministry, this 
sacrifice was at once cheerfully made on the altar of his 
country. He not only signed an agreement not to import 
from Great Britain, but was very active and influential in 
prevailing on others, who were more cautious and timid, to 
unite in the same measure. He readily came into every 
plan that was proposed for resisting the encroachments of the 
British government on the rights of the colonists; and such 
was his liberal patriotism, that he would not suffer his private 
interest to militate against the common interest of his coun- 
trymen. 

If he ever indulged a hope that an open war with Great 



PENNSYLVANIA . 1 49 

Britain might be avoided, from the passing of the " Stamp 
act," till American blood was shed by the British in Lexing. 
ton, Massachusetts, the instant he was informed of that event 
it unalterably settled his determination respecting the course 
he would pursue. It was at a scene of conviviality, when he 
with a large number of gentlemen was celebrating the anni- 
versary of St. George's Day, that the information of the Lex- 
ington battle arrived, and was communicated to the members 
of St. George's Society. From a scene of cheerful festivity 
the change was instantaneous and universal. An electrical 
shock could hardly have been more sudden. The company 
left the board instantly, and retired in a state of feeling not 
easily described. A few remained, and contemplated the 
subject with silent astonishment. It was there, in that hall, 
and on that occasion, that Robert Morris, Richard Peters, and 
their remaining associates, vowed an irrevocable determina- 
tion to support revolutionary measures, and promote by 
eveiy means, the liberty of the American colonies. The 
decision then made he invariably adhered to, through all suc- 
ceeding vicissitudes in the circumstances and prospects of the 
colonies ; and even in the most gloomy and appalling seasons, 
his confidence in the ultimate tnumph of the American cause, 
and his determination to persevere in the conflict, were never 
seen to waver for one moment. When others trembled with 
fearful apprehension, he stood firm ; and his cheerfulness 
never forsook him. 

Although a veiy popular and active leader among his fel- 
low citizens, in vindicatmg their rights, Mr. Morris had not 
hiiherto appeared on the stage of public life, where he after- 
wards acted a most conspicuous part in the great political 
drama that ensued. But on the third day of November. 
1775, the legislature of Pennsylvania appointed him a dele, 
gate to the second congress. He there soon evinced such 
a character for talents, information, and untiring activity, that 
he became one of the most influential and efficient members 
of that dignified assembly. One of the first marks of dis- 
tinction conferred on him was an appointment on the secret 
committee, of which he acted as chairman. The duties which 
devolved on that committee, were of immense importance to 
the ultimate success of the American cause. It belonged to 
them to import arms and ammunition to supply the army. 
Soon after this, he was placed on a committee to devise way? 
and means for providing a naval armament, to consist of such 
a number of ships as they could furnish, with the means the^ 

13* 



150 ROBERT MORRIS, 

could command. After that committee presented their re- 
port, and the report was accepted, he was designated on the 
committee for carrying it into execution. 

Mr. Morris's extensive knowledge of mercantile and com- 
mercial business brought him forward, at an early period ot 
his public life, as an able assistant in supervising the finances 
of the government. But it was not until a later period, when 
his services in that department became so important to the 
United States, that he stood so deservedly high as one of the 
most efficient agents, in securing the great objects of the revo- 
lutionary conflict. In the spring of 1776, he was specially 
commissioned to negotiate bills of exchange, and to endorse 
them, to procure revenue for the government ; and congress 
engaged to indemnify him against eventual loss, by his thus 
becoming responsible. 

He was returned a delegate to congress a second time, for 
Pennsylvania, in July, 1776, fourteen days after the great 
question of American Independence was settled in that body. 

At that dark period, when the British army was passing 
without resistance through New Jersey ; when General 
Washington, with a small half starved, half naked, inefficient, 
disheartened army, was retreating before the enemy, without 
the power of meeting him in the field, to check his advance 
on Philadelphia; when congress had to withdraw to a place 
of safety, to hold their deliberations ; " when everyface gathered 
blackness, and the stoutest men's hearts were failing them for 
fear ;" when deep gloom and despondency marched over the 
country, suggesting (be apprehension that all was lost, and 
that the country would soon have to submit at discretion, to a 
proud, conquering foe ; at that very time, and on the very day 
that congress was compelled to withdraw from Philadelphia, 
Mr. Morris still, and almost alone, maintained his confidence ; 
and evinced it by negotiating a loan of ten thousand dollars 
for the use of the marine committee ; depending on the 
ffuarantee of congress for his indemnification, at a moment 
when it was extremely doubtful whether that body would 
have an existence at the end of a fortnight. In that most criti- 
cal time, he did more to prevent the occurrence of all those, 
awful calamities with which the country was then threatened, 
by his single agency, than all the other public men in the na- 
tion. It was he who procured indispensable means for ena- 
bling General Washington to bring his small force into an 
action, by which the progress of the enemy was arrested, the 
spirits of the American troops reanimated, new hopes raised, 



PENNSYLVANIA. 151 

diid a new confidence inspired in the whole community. This 
all turned on the pecuniary aid which he procured tor the 
commander in chief, by means of which he carried his plans 
into operation, and without which he could have etfected 
nothing. 

Mr. Morris was one of the committee which was left to re- 
main in Philadelphia, with almost unlimited discretionary 
powers, when congress, fleeing before an approaching enemy, 
retired to Baltimore. He placed his family in the country for 
safety, but took lodgings himself with a friend in the city. It 
was in these circumstances the followincr interestins occur- 
rence took place : — 

The enemy, before whom General Washington had been 
obliged to retreat, was encamped on the opposite shore of the 
Delaware. His little army was at a place now called New 
Hope. The enemy was able to obtain an accurate know, 
ledge of his position and circumstances ; while he, for the 
want of money, could learn nothing respecting theirs. He 
was meditating an attack on the enemy, but could make none 
of the calculations indispensable to his operations, without a 
specified sum in specie. In these circumstances, he address- 
ed a letter to Robert Morris, stating those particulars. The 
communication was brought from the general to Mr. Morris, 
bv a confidential messenijer. It reached him at a time when 
the inhabitants of the city had generally retired from it tor 
safety. This fact rendered the prospect of procuring the 
sum almost hopeless. After receiving the despatch, he con- 
fined himself to his compting room, revolving the question, by 
"what means he might be able to furnish the aid so indispen- 
sable to the commander in chief, until the time for closing it, 
and retiring to his lodgings. Gloom and depression for 
once gathered over his spirits. He discovered not the source 
of relief; when passing towards his home, he casually met a 
gentleman of the society of Friends, with vvhom he was ac- 
quainted, and who also placed the most entire confidence in 
his integrity. This gentleman inquired of Mr. Morris for 
the news. He replied, '* The most important news is, I re- 
quire a certain sum in specie, and must have it." The Friend 
thought for a moment, when Mr. Morris continued, " your se- 
curity is to be my note and my honor." *• Robert thou shalt 
have it," the Friend replied. The specie was furnished, and 
sent immediately to General Washington. This loan of the 
*' Friend," to Mr. Morris, and by him borrowed for his coun- 
try, on his own credit^ enabled General Washington to obtain 



152 ROBERT MORRIS, 

the victory at Trenton, which produced such an auspicious 
change in the circumstances of the country from desponden- 
cy, to a cheering hope and animation. In March, 1777, Mr. 
Morris was chosen a third time, by the legislature of Penn- 
sylvania, to represent that state in the general congress. 

" The secret committee" was dissolved during this year, 
and the committee of commerce substituted in its place. Of 
this committee Mr. Morris was a most prominent and effi- 
cient member. 

In this year, in the month of November, he was selected, in 
connection with Mr. Geriy and Mr. Jones, to repair to head- 
quarters, and in a private and confidential interview with 
(jJeneral Washington, to devise and consider of the best means 
for conducting a winter campaign with vigor, and in the most 
successful manner ; and also, in concurrence with the com- 
mander in chief, to direct all such measures for its prosperity 
and success, as might be demanded by the circumstances of 
the public service. His fiscal talents were almost constantly 
in exercise for the benefit of the country ; and in that branch 
of the public business, it is acknowledged he had not his 
equal, at any time in the congress, while he was a member 
of that assembly, although it embraced a large share of the 
first talents of the country for wisdom and patriotism. 

It is universally acknowledged that Robert Morris possessed 
talents, such as the country at that particular juncture stood 
in need of, which were of the first and highest order ; and his 
patriotism was of an equally elevated character. The whole 
of his time, and all his mental faculties, were zealously 
devoted to his country's service ; and his commercial credit 
abroad, than which none in the country stood higher, or was 
more extensive, he often dedicated to the public service. 
Provisions were furnished and pecuniary aid procured in 
great emergences, by his individual exertions, and on his 
own private responsibility, applied to the public benefit, when 
the want of them was most pressing and urgent ; and when 
the government were unable otherwise to procure them. 
One instance, in proof of the correctness of this remark, 
shall be now stated, on the high authority of the late 
venerable Judge Peters, of Pennsylvania, who was, at the 
lime referred to, placed at the head of the war department. 
He remarks, " that in 1779, or 1780, tired of the most dis- 
tressing years of the war. General Washington wrote to him 
a most alarming account of the prostrate condition of the mili- 
fary stores, and enjoined his immediate exertions to supph 



PENNSYLVANIA. 153 

Ihe deficiency. There were no musket cartridges, but those 
in the men's boxes; and they were wet; of course, if attacked, 
a retreat or rout was inevitable. The board of war had ex^ 
hausted all the lead which they could procure, having ordered 
even the spouts of houses to be melted, and had offered the 
equivalent in paper of two shillings specie per pound. He 
went in the evening of the day on which he received this letter, 
to a splendid entertainment given by Don Miraillis, the Span- 
ish minister ; his heart was sad, but he had the faculty of 
brightening his countenance, even under gloomy disasters. 
Mr. Morris, who was one of the guests, and knew him well, 
discovered some casual traits of depression. He accosted 
him in his usual easy and disengaged manner. " I see some 
cloud passing across the sunny countenance you assume. 
What IS the matter?" After some hesitation, he showed him 
the general's letter, which he had brought with him. After some 
time, with sincere delight he called him aside, and told him 
that the Holkar privateer had just arrived at his wharf, with 
ninety tons of lead, which she had brought as ballast. It 
had been landed at Martinique, and stone ballast had sup- 
plied its place ; but this had been put on shore, and the lead 
taken in again. " You shall have my half of this fortunate 
supply" said he, " and there are the owners of the other 
half, (pointing to the gentlemen in the apartment.) But I am 
already under heavy personal engagements, as guarantee for 
the department, to those and other gentlemen. " Well," re- 
joined Mr. Morris, "they will take your assumption, with my 
guarantee." Instantly on these terms, he secured the lead, 
left the entertainment, sent for the proper officers, and set 
more than one hundred people to work during the night. Be- 
fore morning a supply of cartridges was ready, and sent off 
to the army. Many more such occurrences might be related." 
At this distance of time, it would hardly seem possible, 
that a man of such nobleness of soul, such exalted patri- 
otism, often manifested in the most disinterested manner, 
could become a subject of suspicion and aspersion ; but 
such was the fact. Robert Morris was assailed on the floor of 
congress hall by a member, with an impeachment of his honor 
and integrity. The accusation was made by Mr. Laurens, 
on apparently plausible grounds ; but, in truth, a result of in, 
correct information of the manner of transacting the public 
business, on which the accusation was founded. It was in- 
troduced while congress was setting in Yorktown. The 
charge amounted to this, that the house of Willing, Morris, <& 



154 ROBERT MORRIS, 

Co. when employed as agents, to do business for the sole be- 
nefit of the pubhc, had availed themselves of the opportunity 
to make shipments in France, as private speculations, and for 
their own benefit, to the detriment of government, by whom 
they were employed. The truth was, tliat for greater security, 
the public business had been transacted ostensibly, as for their 
private account. But the recorded transactions on the books 
of the secret committee, always placed the whole concerns of 
that committee on a correct foundation, and might at any 
time have been adduced to substantiate, or obviate any char- 
ges against them, if disingenuousness or a departure from 
uprightness had existed. Mr. Laurens having discovered his 
error, afterwards magnanimously retracted the charge, and 
acquitted Mr. Morris entirely. But to remove all doubts 
from every mind, respecting their honorable and upright 
dealings, at his request, congress appointed a special com- 
mittee to investigate the books containing^ an account of 
all the transactions of the secret committee, and report to 
congress. And never was a triumph more complete in any 
case, than was that of Willing, Morris, & Co. furnished in 
the report of that special committee. Mr. Morris very cor- 
rectly considered, that the preservation of his honor and 
integrity, pure and untarnished, in the public estimation, was 
indispensable for performing the services devolving on him as 
an agent for government, for the benefit of the public ; and. 
that if he had justly merited the imputations thrown upon his 
character, he had forfeited the confidence reposed in him. 
This he communicated to congress, when he requested the 
appointment of a committee to investigate the whole of his 
transactions in his public agency. The report of that com- 
mittee was fully sanctioned by congress, and placed him on 
such elevated ground, as would efl^ectually secure him against 
similar charges in future. But such was not the fact. During 
his lite, however, when he thought any assault of the kind 
worthy of notice, and he undertook his own justification, they 
were all dissipated, and manifested to be unfounded, in a man. 
ner equally conclusive and satisfactory, with that improperly 
urged in congress at Yorktown. His reputation as a true 
patriot, and one of the greatest, and most disinterested bene- 
factor of his country, will descend to posterity with a just de- 
mand on the gratitude of the American people ; and with a 
iustre increasing in each succeeding generation. 

In the year 1780, one of the most disastrous and gloomy 
years of the revolutionary period, Mr. Morris instituted a 



PENNSYLVANIA. 155 

bank in Philadelphia with the aid of other patriotic citizens, 
the sole object of which was to establish a credit, by means 
of which congress could be furnished with pecuniary accom- 
modations for relieving a suffering and almost disbanding 
army. The facilities thus furnished for the public service, 
were large in amount, and incalculable in their results. This 
bank he originated, digested the plan, and when the scheme 
was matured, headed the list with a subscription of ten thou- 
sand pounds in Pennsylvania currency. Others, through his 
instrumentality, augmented the capital to three hundred and 
fifteen thousand pounds ; the benefits of which accrued solely 
to the pubhc. 

Thus it was a fact, as honorable as it was unusual, that by 
the industry and talents of one individual, aided by a number 
of patriotic associates and kindred spirits, a plan was origi. 
nated, matured, and put in successful operation ; which ena- 
bled government in its most pressing need, and destitute of 
resources, to obtain and transport to the army, three millions 
of rations, and a large amount of other stores ; at the same 
time the subscribers pledged themselves, that no personal 
or individual emolument whatever should be derived from the 
institution. Had this taken place in Rome, even in her most 
virtuous age, posterity would justly have considered it a^ 
adorning one of the fairest and most splendid eras of her history. 

Mr. Morris was elected a member of congress but once 
more, previous to the adoption of the federal constitution. 
This was on the 13th of December, 1777. During the whole 
time that he was a member of congress, he was constantly 
employed in promoting the great cause in which he had 
embarked his all. It would be impracticable to enume- 
rate particularly the duties he performed, and the servi- 
ces he rendered, within that period. But his exertions 
were not limited to his public offices. He labored with his 
fellow citizens to arouse the lukewarm, to cheer and encour- 
age the desponding, and to stimulate the whole, to put forth 
their aid, to carry the struggle to a successful issue. Be- 
sides, he improved his extensive commercial correspondence 
abroad, for the public benefit. He had numerous friends in 
England, with whom he held a private correspondence ; and 
they, being friendly to the cause of the Americans, took pains 
to inform him early of the measures parliament adopted, rela- 
tive to the American war ; and the debates in that assembly. 
In this way, much useful and highly important information 
was communicated to a collection of his friends, at their fre- 



im ROBERT MORRIS, 

quent meetings for business ; and by them it was spread widely 
among the citizens, and served to keep alive their spirit of 
opposition ; which, in many instances seemed to be growing 
cool and languid. This practice he commenced early ; even 
before the intercourse between the countries was suspended : 
and he continued it through the whole war. 

Although his patriotic career had been useful and splen- 
did before, yet it may be safely affirmed, that it was the 
most distinguished in 1781. It was then that he accepted an 
office, urged on him by congress, and given him by their 
unanimous vote, in which he exhibited the vast powers of his 
creative genius, and performed services which no other indi- 
vidual in the country was competent to render ; services too, 
without which, it appears as if the cause of the United States 
must have failed, and the country have remained in a state of 
colonial vassallage. Thus immensely important to American 
liberty were the services of one individual. 

At the time when he undertook to discharge the duties of 
that office, the public accounts were in a state of almost cha- 
otic disorder ; the debt was of a vast amount ; the army in a 
.starving condition ; the military chest empty ; the credit of the 
government prostrated ; and even Washington's confidence 
was supposed to be shaken. Under these circumstances, 
Robert Morris assumed the superintendence of the finances 
of the United States. It required a Herculean effiDrt ; and 
that effi^rt he applied. By himself alone, upon his own indivi- 
dual credit, and from his own private resources, he furnished 
those pecuniary supplies ; without which, all the other means 
which the government could command, or even allure to their 
aid, must have proved in vain. 

His great principle of conduct, he expressed to a commit- 
tee of congress, in a single short sentence. It was, " to 
raise the public revenues by such modes as may be most 
easy and equal to the people, and to expend them in the 
most frugal, fair, and upright manner." The situation of 
the general government, under the old confederation, left 
congress little more power than a grand committee of ways and 
means, whose duty it was to report to the several state legis» 
latures what they deemed necessary ; and to urge them to 
see that the measures they reported, were executed. The 
several states had all the power of taxation within their con- 
trol. If the states failed to comply with the recommenda- 
tions of congress, to levy and collect taxes, to supply the na- 
tional treasury, as was too often the fact, the national credit 



PENNSYLVANIA. 157 

must be prostrated This had already been realized. If' con- 
gress devised any plan for raising a revenue, aside from taxa- 
tion by the individual states ; for instance, by collecting an in- 
post duty on imported and prize goods, landed in the United 
States, it was in the power of a single state, to prevent its 
execution. This power was possessed equally and indepen- 
dently by thirteen such states. The individual consent of 
each must be obtained, before it could be done ; and in the 
most urgent and pressing emergency of the public wants, al- 
though either an imposition, and ready collection of taxes, or 
the power of laying and collecting an impost, would have re- 
vived and sustained the national credit, the states would do 
neither. The retusal of Rhode Island and Georgia prevent- 
ed the last measure from being adopted, although the other 
states had acceeded to it. Of these two resources, therefore, 
the superintendent of finance was wholly deprived. To re* 
vive pubhc credit, already destroyed, would seem impossible. 
But this was done by Robert Morris alone. When he as- 
sumed the duties of his office, the treasury was more than 
two millions and an half in arrears. His maxim was, to fulfil 
every obligation he entered into with strict punctuality. 
This he adhered to in every instance in which he pledged 
himself. This was one means by which he raised public con- 
fidence ; and by it he was enabled to draw forth resources 
from the wealth of many individuals, who otherwise would 
not have put it into circulation. It will not be practicable in 
this sketch to mention more than a part of the expedients his 
comprehensive mind devised and adopted to excite public 
confidence. Yet, when congress could not obtain the loan 
of a thousand dollars, Robert Morris, on his individual re- 
sponsibility, would, and did, obtain vast sums for the benefit 
of the government. 

One of the principal means for effecting this, and by which 
he, to a great extent, succeeded in establishing a credit, from 
which the government derived immense benefit, was institu- 
ting the Bank of North America, already mentioned. 

He devised the measure ; digested the plan ; procured the 
subscriptions for the stock ; and after obtaining a charter 
from the legislature of Pennsylvania, got the bank into opera- 
tion. It was a new thino; in the country, and looked at with 
a cautious jealousy, by moneyed men, for a time ; but the 
facilities which it rendered to business transactions, the con- 
fidence which was inspired in the community, by a little ex- 
perience in getting the specie for its bills, whenever thev 

14 



158 ROBERT MORRIS, 

were pre.sentod for the purpose, soon quieted all solicitude on 
the subject ; and its paper in a short time took the place of 
specie at par, as being more convenient. It shortly became 
the circulating medium through all the states ; and the bank 
was the place of large deposits of gold and silver. But before 
this important aid to the funds of the government could be 
established and be put into operation, several difficulties were 
necessarily to be overcome, or rather obviated, which it is 
unnecessary to mention. At length, however, these were by 
his industry, influence, and perseverance, overcome ; and in 
1782, the North American Bank commenced business. The 
capital paid in at that time was limited ; but the aid it afforded 
the government was of great value. This will be evident 
from the following statement. The bank, with a capital of 
but three hundred thousand dollars, within six months from its 
commencing business, advanced to government four hundred 
and eighty thousand. Although such an institution was un- 
precedented in the country, and it had to overcome the uni- 
versal prejudice against a paper medium, which had resulted 
from the ruinous depreciation of the ruinous continental and 
state emissions, and the consequent fear that this would soon 
follow the course of its predecessors, it rose in its reputation, 
extended its credit, increased its strength, and diffused its re- 
viving influence on the public confidence throughout the ex- 
tent of the country. This was the first important operation 
in the system of the financier ; and it became the right arm 
of his strength, in rendering the others beneficial and prosper- 
ous. As the confidence of the public in the soundness of the 
bank became estabhshed, many individuals, who held specie, 
which they could not invest in any profitable business, situated 
as the country then was, deposited it in the bank for safe 
keeping, and thus indirectly enlarged the means for more 
extended accommodations. 

Another part of his system was to establish a firm credit for 
his own private notes, that he might give the public the bene- 
fit of his individual credit. To effect this he instituted a pri- 
vate banking establishment, under the superintendance of Mr. 
Swanwick, where he displayed large piles of gold and silver 
coins, in the full view of all who entered the office. It might 
have been taken from the bank early in the morning, and re- 
turned to its vaults in the evenings and so repeated succes- 
sively from day to day. But it was there in full view, till his 
own credit was established on the repeated application of 
holders of his paper for the specie. They uniformly obtained 



PENNSYLVANIA. 159 

it ; he was deemed safe, since the specie was there, and 
might be obtained at pleasure, by the holders of his notes. 
Applications for it soon ceased ; his paper was good, more 
easy of transportation than bags of dollars ; and it passed cur- 
rently to a large amount, at par with gold and silver. In this; 
manner his individual credit was an auxiliary of immense ad- 
vantage to the government ; by means of which he, to a great 
extent, fed and clothed the continental army, at a time when 
congress could do nothing towards it ; and at a time when with- 
out this aid, the army must have been disbanded, or subsisted 
by forced contributions from the inhabitants. But a full de- 
tail of all his measures for supplying the necessities of the go- 
vernment, at that season of distress and calamity, the dread 
of which, caused even General Washington almost to trem- 
ble, would demand a volume, and a full history of the two 
last years of the revolutionary war. 

If it were not demonstrable by official record, posterity 
would hardly be made to believe, that the campaign of 1781, 
which resulted in the capture of Cornwallis, and virtually 
closed the revolutionary war, was sustained wholly on the 
credit of an individual merchant. 

It is well known that the plan had been formed by General 
Washington, and the commander of the French allies, with 
their combined force, to attack the British in New York, and 
recover possession of that city. By the determination of 
Count de Grasse, not to hazard his heavy ships in the bay of 
New York, and to sail for the Chesapeake, the plan was 
disconcerted. At the time when inteUigence of this fact 
reached General W^ashington, Mr. Morris and Mr. Peters 
were at head-quarters, on a secret mission to the general. 
He, on receiving the intelligence, was for a little time agi- 
tated and disconcerted ; but his clear and comprehensive 
mind at once resolved to turn the disappointment to the advan- 
tage of America in the southern states. 

Early in the morning, after the determination of the Count 
de Grasse was communicated to General Washington, at the 
beating of the reveille, Messrs. Morris and Peters were awa- 
kened by a messenger from the commander in chief, request- 
ing their immediate attendance. The circumstance being 
somewhat unusual, they immediately complied with the re- 
quest. It was then that they witnessed his agitation, which the 
total derangement of his plans, by the determination of the 
French admiral had caused. The event was of a nature to 
excite strong feelings. Such feelings were excited in the 



160 ROBERT MORRIS, 

breast of Washington ; insomuch that he exclaimed against' 
the breach of faith on the part of Count de Grasse. At the 
usual hour of breakfast, they found him as composed as if 
nothing unusual had taken place, and calmly busied in mak- 
ing out his estimates of what supplies he should want for his; 
southern expedition, in pursuit of CornwalHs. Within that 
very short lapse of time had his comprehensive mind sug- 
gested that decisive enterprise, and entered on an estimate 
of the various particulars requisite for accomplishing it. He 
immediately inquired of Mr. Peters, (who was at the head of 
the war department,) " Well, what can you do for me, under 
this unexpected disappointment ?" Mr. Peters replied, " With 
money, every thing ; without it, nothing ; and immediately 
turned with a look of anxiety towards the financier. Mr. Mor- 
ris instantly said, " I understand you ; but I must know the 
amount you require." Before the hour of dinner the amount 
was placed before him. Mr. Morris informed tlie general, 
that he had not any possible means of furnishing money to 
that amount ; and that he should be compelled to rely on 
credit — his own individual credit solely ; and that he could de- 
cide whether he thought it safe to depend solely on that credit 
which it would be necessary for him to risk. General Wash- 
ington immediately remarked ; " The measure is inevitable ; 
and therefore resolved on ; and I must pursue it at all hazards." 
Thus, in the course of a few hours, was the expedition devi- 
sed, resolved on, and the means necessary for carrying it 
forward put into a course of provision, by these three men ; 
and this immediately after having experienced one of the 
most deranging disappointments which occurred during the 
whole war. The disappointment that preceded it was sud- 
den, unlooked for, and perplexing to the commander in chief. 
It led to the adoption of a plan, the most eventful, glorious, 
and happy in its results — the triumphant termination of the 
struggle for American Independence, which it established for 
ever. The usual commission paid to mercantile brokers, on 
the sums which Mr. Morris obtained for the United States, 
on his own individual responsibility, when the credit of the 
national government could not have obtained ten thousand — 
nay one thousand dollars, would alone have amounted to an 
immense fortune. A more magnanimous, disinterested pa- 
triot has rarely, if ever arisen in any country. 

It may be affirmed, without any fear of refutation, that, 
without the military talents of Washington, and the financial 
talents of Morris, mutually co-operating to effect the object, 



PENNSYLVANIA. 161 

the Independence of the United States, though declared in 
Jul5% 1776, could not have been achieved and secured. 

After the war was terminated, and he had retired from of- 
fice, he was chosen once or twice, to represent Philadelphia 
in the legislature of Pennsylvania. And when it was deter- 
mined to call a convention of the states, to form the federal 
constitution under which we now live, Mr. Morris was re- 
turned a member from Pennsylvania. 

After the adoption of the constitution and the election of 
a congress, to organize the government, Mr. Morris was 
chosen a member of the first senate of the United States for 
Pennsylvania. 

General Washincrton, when about to select his cabinet, of- 
fered Mr. Morris the office of secretar\- of the treasury, and 
urged his acceptance. But this he dechned. He was re- 
quested by the president to name the candidate. He instantly 
mentioned Alexander Hamilton. 

Mr. Morris, in his management of the pecuniary concerns 
of the United States, under the old contederation, practically 
experienced its inefficiency so effisctually, in respect to all 
great national purposes, that he became early impressed with 
the indispensable necessity of a different constitution of 
government, to conduct the national concerns. His opinions 
expressed from time to time, embraced many of the leading 
principles, which were afterwards incorporated in the federal 
constitution. But he had witnessed such feehngs on the sub- 
ject in the congress, among members from the different states, 
as almost made him despair of ever seeing it established. 
Yet he lived to aid in forming such a government, to see it 
adopted by the states, and go into operation, and then to be a 
member of one branch of that same government, under the 
administration of that great captain, by whose military talents, 
sustained by his own exertions, the nation was liberated from 
foreign dominion, and established in independence. This 
was pleasing to his latter years. But they were otherwise 
clouded with gloom. 

That tide of prosperity in his private commercial transac- 
fions, which had continued to flow, almost unchecked for 
years, and which laid the foundation of his credit which he 
used so beneficiall in favor of the government, probably led 
him to indulge to an immeasurable extent in wild specula- 
lions ; it then forsook him, and involved him to such a degree 
that he never was able to extricate himself. Whether his 
imparalielled success in surmounting difficulties, when super. 

14=^ 



162 ROBERT MORRIS, 

intending the money concerns of the government, superad- 
ded to his extensive private commercial negotiations, had ex- 
cited a species of enthusiasm, so that he thought he could ac- 
complish impossibilities, may perhaps, admit of a doubt ; but 
owing to this, or some other cause, he persuaded himself that 
the nations of Europe would pour their population in a contin- 
ual and swelling current into this now free country, to settle 
our wild uncultivated land ; and thus create a market which 
could hardly be supplied. He made purchases, which swal- 
lowed up his immense fortune, and left him still involved in 
inextricable embarrassment. 

His academical education was limited, as we have stated ; 
but he had acquired much information, by his general read- 
ing, which was extensive, and by his intercourse with men of 
intelligence and learning ; and with commercial science, he 
was probably more extensively acquainted than any other 
man on this continent. 

His style of writing is before the public, in his official com- 
munications to congress, his numerous letters to the gover- 
nors of the several states, and to other correspondents. It 
will not be rendering him justice, if it is only acknowledged 
to be handsome. It is more, it is easy, flowing, forcible, and 
often eloquent. That he possessed native powers of mind of 
a high order, will hardly be questioned by any one who is 
qualified to judge correctly. 

His hospitahty was almost unbounded ; and his liberality 
in aiding public institutions for beneficial purposes, and merit, 
striving to rise from indigence and obscurity to usefulness 
and respectability, are well known to persons now living, and 
to some who experienced his generous aid and patronage 
when commencing business in early life. 

For many years, he was afflicted with the asthma, a dis- 
ease distressing in its nature and effects. With such an infir- 
mity oppressing him, and often suddenly attacking him with 
great violence, it is difficult to perceive how he could possi- 
bly discharge the active duties he was called in person to 
perform. Exercise was his specific, which he applied for 
temporary rehef. And this he often found efficacious in a 
few minutes. 

Worn down by years of public labor and private misfor- 
tunes, Mr. Morris yielded up his life on the eighth day of 
May, 1806, in the seventy-third year of his age. 

He was married to Miss Mary White, a sister of Bishop 
WhitCj on the second day of March, 1769. 



PENNSYLVANIA. 163 

It may be remarked as rather a singular fact, that three of 
the most efficient among the agents, in securing the estabhsh- 
ment of American Independence, after it had been declared 
by congress, were unfurnished with a classical education ; 
Washington, Franklin, and Morris ; men who, in their re- 
spective spheres of action, have rarely been equalled, and 
never surpassed. 



-*»9Q0* 



BENJAMIN RUSH 

Doctor Rush claims a descent from a republican parent- 
age of considerable distinction on the eastern side of the At- 
lantic. His great grandfather was an officer in the army of 
Oliver Cromwell. He had the command of a company of 
horse in the service of that extraordinary man. He was a 
native of England ; and at the death of Cromwell he left his 
native country, and emigrated to Pennsylvania, about the 
commencement of its settlement by William Penn. 

His great grandson Benjamin was born in the township of 
Berberry, situated about twelve miles northeast of Philadel- 
phia, on the twenty-fourth day of December, 1745. At the 
early age of six years, he and a brother were, by the death 
oftheir father, left entirely to the care of their mother. If we 
are allowed to judge of her qualifications and fitness for such 
an interesting and important charge, by his character and 
eminent usefulness in his after hfe, the decision must exalt 
her to high eminence in our estimation. According to that 
standard, few men whom our country has produced will hold 
a rank superior to Doctor Rush ; and very few indeed, whose 
moral character and consistent conduct, will reflect back on 
their parents a more desirable reputation. 

It was the settled wish of his mother to furnish him with a 
classical education, but she found the income from her farm, 
which was all that she possessed, inadequate for the pur- 
pose. To remedy this she removed into Philadelphia, and 
commenced some commercial business ; by the fruits of 
which, and a very frugal economy, she was enabled to accom- 
plish her design. She undertook herself to instruct him in 
the elements of his native language ; and then, when he was 
but nine years old, she placed him imder the care of the 



164 BENJAMIN RUSH, 

Reverend Doctor Findley, who had married her sister. At 
that time he resided in Nottingham, Maryland, where he su- 
perintended an academy, or grammar school, of a good repu- 
tation, from which he was, at a subsequent period, called to 
the presidency of Princeton College, in New Jersey. The 
advantages he enjoyed under the care of this eminently pious, 
learned, and excellent man, were of immense value to young 
Rush, and having been applied at that time of his life, when 
impressions are made on the mind with an indelible force, 
their effects were displayed in the most desirable manner 
during the whole of his life. When speaking of President 
Findley, as a Christian, as a divine, as a faithful, pious minis- 
ter, or as an mstructor of youth, there is little danger of tran- 
scending his real merits. With him the dictates of con- 
science would, in every case, supply an adequate motive to a 
faithful discharge of his duties to the youths committed to his 
care ; yet, in the instance of young Rush, there were su- 
peradded the interested affection he felt for his farheriess 
nephew, stimulated by that regard, which teachers almost 
always feel for youths who possess amiable dispositions, 
faithfully apply to their studies, and evince a genius and 
powers of intellect beyond their years. In this promising 
youth, Doctor Findley, had the happiness of witnessing all 
these, holding forth a promise in his mature years which he 
confidently expected would be realized. The result verified 
his expectations. 

When he was qualified for admission to college, he was 
removed from the care of his excellent preceptor at Notting- 
ham, to Princeton College, and placed under the superintend- 
ing care of the Reverend Samuel Davies, the then president 
of that seminary. He took his degree at that college in 1766, 
at the age of about sixteen years. The affectionate guar- 
dianship of two such eminent men for wisdom, piety, and 
learning, as Doctors Findley and Davies, was of inestimable 
value to young Rush. 

Having finished his collegiate course, he was inclined to 
pursue the profession of the law ; but, influenced by the ad- 
vice of Doctor Findley, and some pecuniary considerations 
rendering it expedient, he was induced to study medicine. 
He began his professional education under the direction of 
Doctor Redman, a gentleman of great eminence in the city 
of Philadelphia, wh*) superintended his studies with much 
care and fidelity, and afterwards generously patronized him 
with the sincerity of a friend in his practice. 



PENNSYLVANIA. 16r. 

In his whole course, from his preparatory studies, while in 
college, and in his medical education, his close and constant 
application insured to him the favor of his several teachers 
in a high degree. 

The life of Doctor Rush may be contemplated to the best 
advantage, in a threefold point of view — as a physician, as 
a statesman, and as a writer. In this brief sketch, however, 
brevity must be observed on each of these heads. 

First. We shall take notice of him as a medical man, as 
a practitioner, and an instructor of medicine. 

Under the instruction of Doctor Redman he spent six 
years in such a severe application to his preparatory studies, 
that he has recorded concerning himself, that he could not 
enumerate more than two days of absence from his proper 
business. If this may be regarded as but a fair specimen of 
his apphcation, it will not be difficult to account for his high 
attainments in the science of his profession, and his almost 
unequalled success in practice. A man possessing an ori- 
ginal mind, like that of Doctor Rush, cuhivated and improved 
with such faithfulness, and such distinguished advantages, 
could not fail, in due time, of appearing illustrious, even 
among great men. 

After having availed himself of the best advantages his 
country afforded, for improvement in his professional course, 
he, in 1766, went to Great Britain, and spent two years in 
attending the lectures and the hospital practice in that medi- 
cal school. He then repaired to London, and spent the 
winter of 1768, in attending upon the hospitals and m-edi- 
cal lectures which that metropolis furnished. The sum- 
mer following he repaired to Paris, and derived signal 
advantages for increasing his stock of useful knowledge, 
which that celebrated school of the arts and sciences fur- 
nished him. Having thus been favored with opportunities for 
improvement, such as very few young men of that period, on 
the American side of the Atlantic could obtain. Doctor Rush 
returned to his native land, bearing the title of " Doctor of 
Medicine ;" his diploma of which was conferred at Edin- 
burgh. On his return, thus qualified, he settled in Philadel- 
phia, where he had to encounter a competition with men of 
the first reputation in the country, already known to that 
community, and men who had been firmly established in 
practice for many years. Notwithstanding all the embar- 
rassing considerations and causes he had to struggle with, he 
was, even in the first year of his practice, associated with 



166 BENJAMIN RUSH, 

Doctors Shippen, Morgan, Bond, and Kuhn, as a professor 
in the Medical College of Philadelphia ; and although com- 
paratively young, called by them to aid in the most difficult 
and important consultations which occurred in their profes- 
si nal labors. 

His natural and acquired endowments he carried into so- 
ciety with such pleasing manners and graceful demeanor, as 
produced, almost universally, an impression highly favorable 
to himself among the citizens of Philadelphia. His society 
was much esteemed by all the companies he frequented. His 
mental powers were of a superior grade. To these he added 
the polished address and manners of a gentleman, and a con-' 
versation both pleasing and instructive. His deportment in the 
sick room was prepossessing, by the affectionate manner with 
which he addressed his patients, and the strong interest he 
manifested for their recovery. In these he showed no dif- 
ference between the rich, who could amply reward him, and 
the poor, whose only requital was their cordial gratitude and 
their prayers. 

From this time he advanced rapidly in a course of pros- 
perous and successful practice, uninterrupted by any remark- 
able events, until the memorable epidemic yellow fever of 
1793. His celebrity as an instructor of pupils, and his 
lectures, annually gathered youths from every part of the 
United States; who were engaged in acquiring medical 
science, that they might enjoy the advantages of his instruc- 
tion. But the occurrence of that awfully afflicting and deso- 
lating scourge, was the occasion of presenting his character 
to public view, as a skillful physiciaii, a philanthropist, and a 
Christian, in a manner pre-eminently distinguished. After 
the appearance of that disease, which it was soon ascertained, 
baffled all the remedies which were applied, and the sick 
were hastened in vast numbers to the grave ; when every 
mind was panic-struck, while contemplating the sick and 
dying, and trembling for the dreaded event of each succeed- 
ing hour ; when the physicians, taught by melancholy ex- 
perience the imbecility of their own resistance to the gigantic ^ 
destroyer of their fellow men, were fleeing from the unavail- ' 
ing conflict to places of imagined safety, and seeking security j 
for themselves in an uninfected atmosphere ; then it was that 
Doctor Rush, with a magnanimity worthy of all praise, and a 
Christian devotedness to his duty, resolved, that whatever 
physicians might do, if they all fled, he would remain in the 
scene of desolation,, and do all in his power to alleviate the 



PENNSYLVANIA. 1G7 

sufferings of the afflicted, and contend with the destroyer till he 
was vanquished, or himself should fall in the conflict. He 
did remain in the midst of gloom and desolation ; and devoted 
his whole time and services, and those of his family, to the 
cause of benevolence, among the numerous sick, helpless, and 
dying, until he was disabled for a time by a serious attack of 
the disease. By means of this noble resolution and conduct, 
many valuable lives were preserved, which in all human 
probability would have fallen a sacrifice, and swelled the 
number of victims to the most destructive epidemic fever that 
ever visited any city in the United States. 

Doctor Rush, when many of the resident physicians had 
hastened from the scene of danger, and left the inhabitants 
to seek for medical aid where they might, called some of his 
brethren and pupils together, to consider the question of their 
duty in that urgent emergency. He stated that when gentle- 
men entered into the medical profession and they volunta- 
rily assumed responsibilities and duties to society, which de- 
pended on them for aid in their necessities, which they were 
obhged conscientiously to perform. The present was a case 
in which the physicians of the city were bound in duty to 
remain at their post, however dangerous they might appre- 
iiend it to be. The community were alread}'^ justly alarmed. 
If they saw physicians fleeing from the danger, it would en- 
hance their fears. Fear was one powerful predisposing 
cause of taking it ; and in this instance would produce the 
most baneful effects upon the sick, by depressing their spirits, 
and banishing the hope of recovery. It would most probably 
prove, indirectly, the cause of many deaths in that way, as 
well as by depriving the sick of the aid which they needed, 
if the physicians sought their own safety by flying from the field. 
He requested those present to continue in the city, and as many 
as were willing, to signify it at that time. " As for myself," 
he added, " I am determined to remain, and render all the aid 
I can. I may fall a victim to the epidemic ; and so may you, 
gentlemen. But I prefer, since I am placed here by Divine 
Providence, to fall in performing my duty, if such must be 
the consequence of staying on the ground, than to secure 
my life by fleeing from the post of duty allotted in the provi- 
dence of God. I will remain, if I remain alone." He did 
remain in the city, together with some of his noble spirited 
pupils, and a few of his medical brethren, and labored unin. 
terruptedly night and day, for the benefit of his suffering and 
distressed fellow citizens, until he was attacked by the fever. 



168 BENJAMIN RUSH, 

Even then he did not remit in his labors, but according to 
his remaining strength, he prescribed for those who gathered 
around his bed for his counsel and advice. Some of his be- 
nevolent pupils fell victims to the disease, while magnani. 
mously laboring to preserve the lives of others. 

The fame of Doctor Rush, became established in Europe 
and America; and he is remembered with gratitude and 
respcet. 

As a teacher of medicine, his reputation was deservedly 
high, and widely extended. He had many private pupils from 
the commencement of his practice. His public lectures as 
a professor, in several chairs which he filled, were the most 
popular of any delivered at that period in this country. His 
fame drew medical students to the school in Philadelphia, 
from every part of the United States, and some from foreign 
countries. In the nine last years, his private pupils amounted 
to fifty ; and in 1812, those in the class who attended his 
lectures, amounted to four hundred and thirty. It has been 
estimated, that during the professional hfe of Doctor Rush, he 
gave instruction to more than two thousand pupils. 

He was first appointed professor of chemistry, in the col- 
lege of Philadelphia, in 1769. In 1789, he was professor of 
the theory and practice of medicine. In this he succeeded 
Doctor Morgan. 

In the medical college of Pennsylvania, he held the profes- 
sorship of the institutes of medicine, and of chemical practice. 
And on the resignation of Doctor Kuhn in 1796, he took by 
appointment, the professorship of the practice of physic ; the 
three last mentioned offices, he retained through his life, and 
performed the arduous duties which they required, with his 
usual characteristic industry and application. 

In addition to these, he was during many years one of the 
physicians to the Philadelphia hospital, and did much to ele- 
vate its reputation, promote its interests, and enlarge the 
boundaries of its utility. 

Having thus summarily taken a view of Doctor Rush as a 
physician, in the two capacities of a practitioner and instruc 
tor of medicine, we now proceed to present him in the se- 
cond particular — as a statesman. 

In principle he was a republican ; as such he was held in 
high estimation by his enlightened contemporary patriots. 
Generally he harmonized in sentiment with the distinguished 
politicians of the age in which he flourished. To promote 
the cause of American liberty and independence, he not only 



PENNSYLVANIA. 1 69 

devoted his talents as a writer, to rouse the spirit of his coun 
trymen, and prepare their minds for declaring and maintain > 
ing independence ; but he exerted himself to engage others 
to come forward in behalf of the same cause. His political 
character was so fully established in his native state, and his 
sentiments so generally known, that when the places of those 
members of congress from Philadelphia, who declined voting 
for independence, were vacated by their withdrawing from 
them, he was immediately selected by their legislature, with 
his colleagues, to till them, and set their names to that instru- 
ment, on behalf of Pennsylvania, although they were not 
appointed till after the vote had passed in congress, on the 
fourth day of July, 1776. In support of the independence of 
the country, as that which was to prove the foundation of her 
future glory and prosperity, he cordially devoted his influence 
and his talents, during the war of the revolution. 

In the year 1777, he received an appointment by congress, 
to the office of physician general of the military hospitals for 
the middle department. 

After the federal constitution was submitted to the states for 
their consideration and decision, he was chosen a member of 
the convention of Pennsylvania, by which it was adopted. 

After the federal government went into operation, Doctor 
Rush retired from all active participation in public life. The 
only office he held, was that of president of the mint ; the du- 
ties of which interfered but little with the performance of 
those connected with his profession, while it furnished some 
addition to his income. He held it for the term of fourteen 
years. 

Although in the political department in which he was called 
to act, there was nothing that furnished occasion for splendid 
achievements, yet the services he rendered to the country were 
numerous and valuable ; and not the less so, for being of that 
humble, unobtrusive character, which will not necessarily em- 
blazon his name on the page of history. With the ardent feel- 
ings of an enlightened and inflexible patriot, he espoused the 
cause of his country; and with a zeal, worthy of such a charac- 
ter, he devoted his best talents to the promotion of its highest 
interests. And while he is esteemed as a benefactor of man- 
kind, in the valuable contributions he has made for improving 
and advancing the medical science, he will be esteemed no less 
30 by future generations, who will learn his real merits from 
history, for the benefits he conferred on his fellow citizens? in 

15 



170 BENJAMIN RUSH, 

the valuable services he rendered his country, as a politician 
and a statesman. 

As a writer, if the various and important subjects on which 
he wrote, the easy, and pleasing style in which he clothed 
his valuable thoughts, the clearness of his own perceptions, 
the impressions his ideas made on the minds of his readers, 
and the aggregate amount of his publications. Doctor Rush 
will be allowed to sustain a rank, inferior to few American, 
writers. As a medical author, he hitherto has stood confes- 
sedly at the head. If there are any persons who can read his 
account of the yellow fever, which visited Philadelphia in 
1793, without having the strong emotions of their hearts 
powerfully excited, we thmk such readers are not to be envied. 

He was a member of numerous useful societies, literary, 
and others, both in this country, and in foreign lands, and an 
officer in several in the United States. 

In the American Society for the abolition of slavery, he 
held the office of president. He was also president of the 
Philadelphia Medical Society ; a vice president of the Phila- 
delphia Bible Society ; and one of the vice presidents of the 
American Philosophical Society. This list comprises but a 
small part of the literary honors which were conferred on him, 
both in this country and in several of the countries in Europe. 
So that if the estimation of his literary character may be cor- 
rectly inferred from the number and variety of testimonials 
he received of this description, .the standing of Doctor Rush 
must be highly distinguished. 

His cultivated mind, enlarged by Christian benevolence, 
and warmed by evangelical piety, induced him to patronize 
benevolent and charitable institutions, for meliorating the 
condition of mankind. In the year 1786, he formed the Phila- 
delphia Dispensary ; the first institution of the kind that had 
an existence in the United States. The example has since 
been followed in several of the large commercial cities, north 
and south of Philadelphia. These valuable institutions, have 
already been productive of much benefit to the afflicted ; and 
they will continue useful for ages to come, while they redound 
to the honor of their founders and patrons. 

Doctor Rush was one of the principal founders of Dicken- 
son College, at Carlisle in Pennsylvania. 

He was a warm and eloquent advocate for establishing 
common schools, in behalf of which he wrote and published 
some interesting and instructive essays. But not to enlarge ; 
it will be proper to close this memoir by remarking, that the 



PENNSYLVAxNIA. 171 

crowning giory of Doctor Rush's character, and without which, 
it would have been less useful, and less venerable, v/as his 
firm belief in the divine inspiration of the Bible ; and both in 
his writings and public lectures, avowed that belief at a time 
when infidelity was fashionable with men in high standing, 
and evinced his sincerity, by an uniform reverential observ- 
ance of the sacred institutions of the gospel. 

His life, which was filled up with active usefulness to man- 
kind, was terminated on the nineteenth day of April, 1813, in 
the sixty-eighth year of his age. As a testimony of the res- 
pect and esteem which were entertained for him, by his fellow 
citizens of Philadelphia, it is proper to state, that during his 
last illness, his dwelling was continually thronged by mul- 
titudes who were anxious to learn the probable result of his 
attack. And after the result was known, the city was over- 
cast with a general gloom. His remains were followed to the 
cemetery by a great number of the inhabitants of the city, as 
a voluntary token of the last respect to a great man, and a 
benefactor, who had fallen among them. 



.mh9®94**~ 



BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 

Benjamin Franklin was born at Boston, in the colony 
of Massachusetts, on the 17th day of January, 1706. His fa- 
ther was one of the puritans, who, that he might enjoy his re- 
ligious sentiments in peace, left his native land, and came to 
Massachusetts in 1682. Althoutjh many of his ancestors 
and connections were mechanics, he was not ; and being un- 
used to agriculture and commerce, he entered on the business 
of a soap boiler and tallow chandler, without any previous 
apprenticeship ; and this he pursued through the remainder of 
his life. 

His mother's name was Folger, a native of Boston. 

His pious parents felt a strong desire that he might be a 
minister of the gospel ; and put him to school early that he 
might begin an education which would qualify him for a 
preacher. But their means did not allow of his prosecuting 
his studies ; and the plan was soon abandoned. 

He early manifested an ardent desire for instruction, and 
gave at eight years of age, some indications of that thirst for 



172 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 

intellectual improvement, which he manifested through his life. 
His education was restricted to what he could acquire at a 
common school, during a veiT few years. He was then taken 
by his lather into his own service, that he might learn the 
business he was pursuing. This however did not please Ben- 
jamin. He then entered for probation on that of a cutler. 
But the fee which was demanded for his apprenticeship being 
thought unreasonable, he left that business. His father then 
put him under the instruction of an elder son, to learn the 
trade of a printer. In every situation in which he was placed, 
he indulged most industriously his strong desire for acquir- 
ing knowledge. For this purpose, he spent all the time he 
could command in reading such books as he could procure, 
instead of squandering it in unprofitable amusements or idle- 
ness. He was a close observer of what he read ; and he 
early began to apply suggestions he found in the books he 
perused, for the formation of his own character, and the regu- 
lation of his conduct ; and some which he thus applied when 
he was quite young, had an important influence on his charac- 
ter and usefulness throughout his future life. For instance, a 
hint he found in a book recommending a vegetable diet, he 
adopted as a rule for himself ; which he practised for several 
years. From it he derived several advantages, in promoting 
his health, in a saving of money, in a saving of time at his 
meals, which he devoted to reading, in rendering his mind 
clear, and in leading him to practise habits of frugality in his 
living. 

When he was quite a lad, he expressed a strong inclination 
to become a sailor, and was dissuaded from it only by the de- 
cided opposition of his father. 

His time at school was so limited, that he had no opportu- 
nity to acquire a knowledge of arithmetic. This deficiency 
he supplied by his own eflbrts, without the aid of any in- 
structor. 

While he continued in his brother's employment as an ap- 
prentice, he industriously improved all the time he could 
redeem from labor, in cultivating his mind, both by reading, 
and iu attempts at composition. But owing to some cause, 
the harmony which should always exist between persons so 
nearly allied, was interrupted, and Benjamin resolved on leav- 
ing his brother's service. On finding it impracticable to ob- 
tain emplo}-ment in Boston, if he left his brother as he wished, 
he resolved on quitting the place of his birth ; to accomplish 
ixis purpose, he embarked on board a vessel then in the bar- 



PEXXSYLV.AJNTIA. 173 

bor, bound for Sew York ; where after a short passage he ar- 
rived, without expenencing any disaster. 

After a few days spent in a fniitiesB search of employment 
in that city, he set out for Philadelphia, making the joumey on 
foot. When he arrived in Philadelphia, he was but seven- 
teen years old, without a friend or an acquaintance, and with 
but one dollar in hLs possessioo. 

His first appearance on entering Ptiiladelphia was some- 
what oTotesque — so much sfo, as to excite the attention of 
the people in the street* which he traversed, after leaving the 
boat in which ne arrived in that city. With his wardrobe in 
his pockets, and a roll of bread under each arm, he bent his 
wav, first through Mdrket-street, and thence from one street 
to another, (it Irving a Sabbath morning) until he found him- 
self in a Quaker Meeting. There he sat down, and soon fell 
into a sound sleep until their worship was closed. He was 
then kindl} awakened by one of the congregation, and ad- 
monished to seek out another resting place. 

There were but two printing estabhshrnents in Philadelphia, 
when Frcinkkn arriv€»d there. In one of these he soon found 
emplo)"meDi as a compositor ; here he secured the esteem of 
his employer by indiistry ; for he pushed his business during 
those hours, when others usually indulge in relaxation, and 
too often in prodigal expenses. But Franklin scrupulously 
observed the svstem of trugalitj" he had previously begim ; 
and by means of these, and his habit of the strictest punciu- 
alitv' in all his engagements, he attracted the observation. an4 
acquired ttie esteem of the pubUc, and became a favorite 
among the citizens of Philadelphia. 

He had written an account of his journey, and his recent 
adventures, to a friend at Newca^e, in Delaware. Tne 
letter containing this account, had been shown to Sir William 
Keith, grovemor of the province ; which gave him such an 
opinion of his merits and talents, as induced him to seek for 
an acquaintance with the youthftil jouroe^Tnan printer. He 
called on Franklin, and invited him to his house as a visitor, 
on terms of friendship, whenever it suited his convenience ; 
and on that occasion, took him to a neighboring inn, and par- 
took with him of a bottle of wine, with which the governor 
famiharly commenced their friendship. This friendship, 
althongh grateful to the feelings of Fraaklin, was subsequently 
the means of involWng him in some temporary embarras- 
ments. 

In consequence of a proposal of Governor Keith, to set up 

15=^ 



174 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 

an independent establishment of his own, he made a journey 
to Boston, after an absence of seven months, to obtain the 
sanction of his father, and to visit his friends. By the advice 
of his father this project was rehnquished ; but another more 
extensive, soon followed from the same source ; which meet- 
ing with Franklin's concurrence, led him to embark for Lon- 
don, to prepare the way for accomplishing it, under the 
governor's patronage. But his patronage being of no bene- 
fit to him, Franklin found himself again in straightened cir- 
cumstances, without friends or money, three thousand miles 
from home, and in the metropolis of England. But here his 
genius did not forsake him ; though embarrassed, he did not 
sink under his difficulties. He soon obtained employment in 
one of the principal printing offices in London. There he 
observed the same course of industry, punctuality, and econo- 
my, which he had done in Philadelphia ; and the general re- 
sult was similar in his new situation. He secured the confi- 
dence and esteem of his employers, and a decent subsistence 
for himself and was enabled to contribute to the necessities 
of a friend, who had accompanied him in his Transatlantic 
voyage, as a literary adventurer ; and who, being destitute 
of pecuniary resourses, was involved in indigence, and was 
kept from suffering and want by Franklin's liberality and 
friendship. 

Wherever he was, whether in Boston, Philadelphia, or 
London, he pursued the same course of industry, and paid 
the same careful attention to the cultivation of his mind. Il 
was during his short residence in London, that he became 
acquainted with, and received the flattering attentions of a 
number of distinguished Infidels ; among whom was Lord 
Mandeville. This unfortunate acquaintance was the conse- 
quence of his writing and publishing a pamphlet, upon deistical 
metaphysics. This was a step which he afterwards con- 
demned either from a conviction that the principles of deism 
were untenable, or on the ground of its having been inexpe- 
dient. Whatever were his religious principles in his riper 
age, it cannot be denied, that in his early years he was tinc- 
tured with the views of Hume, Voltaire, and Gibbon. 

After spending about eighteen months in London, he con- 
templated making a touj over the European continent. From 
this project, however, -lie was diverted by a mercantile ac- 
quaintance, who was about making a voyage to America, 
to carry out some merchandise to Philadelphia. He propo 
aed to take Franklin with him in the capacity of a clerk ; to 



PENNSYLVANIA. 175 

which proposal he readily acceded, relinquished his intended 
tour of Europe, and returned to his friends in his native coun-^ 
try. They embarked for America on the twenty-second day 
of July, 1726, when he was some months more than twenty 
years of age; and arrived at Philadelphia on the 11th of 
October following. 

During the voyage, Franklin kept a journal of all the inci- 
dents he deemed worthy to be recorded ; and drew up a set 
of rules for the government of his conduct through his future 
life. To these he ever afterwards scrupulously adhered. 

His patron commenced business in Philadelphia, and took 
Franklin into his employment. His prospects now rapidly 
brightened fast ; and a scene of prosperity and wealth opened 
before him, which was highly flattering to his youthful mind. 
But it was only of siiort duration. It was wholly obscured and 
closed, by the early decease of his patron and triend. This 
event left him again without employment, and threw him on 
the world once more a journeyman printer. He re-entered 
the service of his former employer ; but continued with him 
only a few months. Soon after this separation, he formed a 
connection with another printer ; and by the aid of his pecu- 
niary means set up an establishment on their own account. 

The knowledge of the art which he had acquired was 
superior to that of his competitors ; and that combined with 
his assiduous industry, and attention to business, his abstain- 
ing from all irregularities common to young men, and his 
entire punctuality in meeting all his engagements, enabled 
him to obtain the confidence of the community, to extend his 
acquaintance, and to secure the aid of friends. 

From this period, the vicissitudes of his previous life gave 
place to a more uniform and prosperous course. His busi- 
ness increased ; his reputation became established ; his cha- 
racter extensively known, and was uniformly respected and 
esteemed. 

In 1730, he was married to a lady, whose maiden name 
was Read. He had paid his addresses to her before he went 
to England. The intimacy was suspended, and she had been 
married to another man in the mean time. But having be- 
come a widow, he renewed his attentions, married her, and 
lived with her in the enjoyment of much conjugal felicity. 

As he was ever desirous of promoting scientific improve- 
.ment and useful knowledge in the community, about this 
time, in connection with some respectable young men, he in- 
stituted a club, called The Junto ; in the meetings of which 



176 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 

many important subjects were discussed. This club wa^ 
continued for thirty years, and was followed by the Philade!^ 
phia Philosophical Society. Its influence on society was 
salutary in several respects, and contributed to excite a lite- 
rary taste and emulation in the society in which its influence 
was immediately felt. 

He began his almanac in 1732, under the title of " Poor 
Richard's Almanac,'' and continued to publish it annually 
for thirty years. It was a very useful and popular work. 
J he last of the series was published in 1757. In this he- 
collected the principal articles contained in the preceding 
annuals ; and this was republished in several editions, and 
various forms, in Great Britain ; and was translated into seve- 
ral foreign languages, and published on the continent of 
liiUrope. 

About this time he printed a newspaper in Philadelphia; 
which, as might have been expected, sustained a respectable 
character, quite superior to several of its contemporaries. 

By his assiduous attention to reading, in which he perse- 
vered in every situation in life, he acquired a knowledge of 
the Latin, French, Italian, and Spanish languages; and 
accomplished this almost unaided by teachers. 

In the club, called " The Junto," a small collection of 
books was made by him for the use of the members ; and 
this was the commencement of the Philadelphia Library. 
Thus Franklin became the founder of the first public librarv 
in this country. ^ 

Shortly after he commenced his newspaper, several thing? 
concurred to extend his reputation, render him popular 
and increase his prosperity. He composed a pamphlet in 
1729, concerning the nature and necessity of paper currency, 
which was a favorite subject with the public at that period.' 
He assisted m promoting its use. This rendered him a 
favorite with a people predisposed to adopt the measure. He 
wrote, and published, several miscellaneous essays, wliich 
were read with avidity, and with much satisfaction. Such 
essays were less common then than in after years ; and 
were doubtless more highly valued for that reason, in ad- 
dition to their own intrinsic merit, than they would otherwise 
have been. He had also the public printing committed to 
ium, by the government of Pennsylvania. These things all 
combined to increase the subscription list of his newspaper ; 
and his prospect of passing from indigence to affluence, was 
♦continually and rapidly brightening, 



PENNSYLVANIA. 17: 

In 1736, the general assembly of the province appointed 
him their clerk ; and the following year they added the office 
©f postmaster of Philadelphia. Being now relieved from the 
drudgery of constant labor, which a provision for his domestic 
necessities had till then demanded of him, by means of his 
official income, added to that derived from his establishment, 
he found leisure to devote more of his time and attention to 
the promotion of other objects, in which he felt a strong in- 
terest. He began his schemes of public utility by organizing 
fire companies ; reforming the city watch ; and devising and 
procuring the means for paving and lighting the streets of 
the city. " The American Philosophical Society," " The 
Pennsylvania University," and " The Pennsylvania Hospi. 
tal," all owe their existence to Benjamin Franklin. And all 
the military discipline which existed in Pennsylvania, origi. 
nated with him. Until his efforts in its favor, it had been 
entirely neglected in that province. 

He commenced the publication of The General Magazine 
and Hwtorical Chronicle, for the British Plantations, in 1741. 
This periodical was very popular, and was judiciously adapted 
to the taste of the public, during the time it was published. 
In 1742, he composed and published his treatise on the improve- 
ment of chimnies, and invented the well known stove which 
bears his name. From this invention he neither sought nor 
obtained any pecuniary benefit. He gave it to the public. 

By his disinterested and persevering labor for the public 
good, he gained the esteem and respect of his fellow citizens ; 
and they began to confer on him their popular favors. The go- 
vernor appointed him successively a justice of the peace, and 
an alderman of the city ; and by the corporation he was chosen 
a member of the common council. In 1744, he was elected 
a member of the provincial legislature ; to which station he 
was annually re-elected for ien years, without intermission, 
and without soliciting a vote from any person. 

About this time he commenced his philosophical course, 
which in a few years spread his fame over the civilized world, 
and placed him in the first rank among eminent men. 

His attention to electricity was excited by some experi- 
ments exhibited by some foreigners at Boston, in 1747, when 
he was casually there, and witnessed their exhibitions. Hav- 
ing repeated them with entire success, on his return to Phi- 
ladelphia, and added some others of his own devising, or he 
had received in some account from a friend in England, he 
became much attached to that study, and devoted a large 



178 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 

portion of his time to its cultivation. It is well known, 
that he enlarged the science of electricity, far more than all 
his predecessors. He was the first man who kindled gun- 
powder with electricity, magnetized ^steel needles, melted 
inetals, and killed animals of a considerable size by the same 
means. He greatly improved the Leyden Vial, by means of 
which he could regulate his experiments with safety, as he 
iliscovered its properties of accumulating, ' retaining, and 
throwing off any quantity of the fluid he wished. It was then 
that he discovered the utihty of points, and the positive and 
negative state of electricity. Having made considerable pro- 
gress in his discoveries, he conceived the idea that the elec- 
tric fluid and lightning were the same. This led him to 
devise a plan for drawing the fluid from a thunder cloud, and 
discharging it into the earth. Having succeeded in his ex- 
periment with the kite, and established the principle of iden- 
tity of the electric fluid and lightning, when it was pub. 
lished, his fame spread with great rapidity over the world, 
and he acquired, and ever afterwards sustained, an exalted 
rank among eminent natural philosophers, notwithstanding 
numerous attempts were made to deprive him of the merit of 
his discoveries, prompted by the envy of contemporary phi- 
losophers in England and elsewhere, but principally in Great 
Britain. 

An account of his experiments he transmitted to London. 
in letters to a friend, soon after they were made in 1752. 
These, when published, excited many others to repeat them, 
and to admire and extol the inventor. They called forth the 
honorary degree of Master of Arts from Yale College and 
Harvard University, in honor of his discoveries. 

Having more time at his command than formerly, he paid 
much attention to experiments in various subjects of natural 
philosophy ; and wrote and published treatises on several 
branches of science. His time was constantly occupied in 
something designed to meliorate the condition, and promote 
the comfort of mankind. But these speculations and philoso- 
phical experiments did not interfere with his active duties in 
society. He continued to be a political favorite with the peo- 
ple of the province. 

In 1758, he was appointed by the government to conclude 
a treaty with the Indians at Carlisle. The next year he was 
sent to Albany to attend a congress, which the British govern- 
ment had caused to be assembled, for devising a plan of de- 
fence for the colonies against the French and hostile savages. 



PENNSYLVANIA. 179 

The deputy post master general, having deceased about 
this time, Franklin was appointed to that office. The office had 
been heretofore unproductive ; but under his management, it 
became a source of considerable revenue to the government. 

After the defeat of General Braddock, he took a lively in- 
terest in the protection of the colonies against their insidious 
foes ; and having obtained a law for establishing and disci- 
plining a corps of volunteer militia, he by request of the gover- 
nor raised a small body of men, and marched with them to the 
protection of the frontiers, which were much threatened by 
the French and Indians. But he generally declined military 
honors ; assigning as his reason for it, his unfitness for mili- 
tary life. 

A dispute having arisen in Pennsylvania, between the pro- 
prietors of large estates and the provincial assembly, the for- 
mer claiming to have their private property exempted from 
taxation, and the latter deeming it unsafe, it was referred to 
the mother government for a final decision. Franklin was 
selected as agent to manage the cause on the part of the 
assembly. He took a decided stand against the unjust preten- 
sions of the executive ; and so conducted the controversy as to 
obtain a decision in favor of his chents. While he was in 
England, engaged in this important business, he formed man}^ 
acquaintances which were highly useful, and of much impor- 
tance to him in the scenes in which he was afterwards called 
to act so conspicuous a part. He arrived in London on this 
agency, in July, 1757. While thercj the honors of some 
of the English and Scottish universities were conferred on 
him. 

During his residence in England, he visited the birthplace 
of his father, in Northamptonshire. He there traced the his- 
tory of his ancestry ; an account of which he afterwards pub- 
lished, with a favorable exhibition of their character for me- 
chanical ingenuity, integrity, and moral uprightness, for which 
they were held in good esteem by that community. 

He travelled into Scotland also, and there formed many 
distinguished acquaintances ; among whom was the celebra- 
ted author of " Sketches of Criticism," Lord Kaimes. Their 
friendship, kept alive by a literary correspondence, lasted 
to the close of life. 

After an absence of about five years, he returned to Ame- 
rica ; and on his arrival he received the honor of a public 
vote of thanks from the assembly of Pennsylvania, as a testi- 
mony of their approbation, together with the sum of five thou- 



180 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 

sand pounds, as a compensation for his important services 
rendered to the province. His election to a seat in that body 
had been continued during his absence, and he consequently 
took it, and resumed his duties in the legislature without in^ 
terruption. 

During the following year, he was employed in visiting the 
northern colonies, and regulating the post offices, and in act- 
ing on his return, as a commissioner for raising troops for the 
defence of the frontier against the incursions of the hostile In- 
dians. He was also engaged, some part of the time, in quell- 
ing insurrections which occurred in the interior of the province. 
In 1764, the proprietors recommenced the controversy 
which had occasioned Franklin's tour to England in 1757 : 
and their efforts to exclude from the assembly, the man whose 
influence in that body they most dreaded, having succeeded, 
he was not a member for this year. But his friends having a 
majority in the house, came to a resolution to petition the 
king to abolish the authority of the proprietors. This measure 
was suggested by Franklin ; and it caused his exclusion from 
the assembly. They having resolved to present their peti- 
tion to the king in person, again appointed him on the agency, 
much to the chagrin of the proprietors. On this agency, he 
embarked for England, in November, 1764, and arrived 
there the third time the following month. His arrival was 
cordially greeted by his friends in that country. After 
spending a year in England, having nothing then to prevent 
him, he went into Holland, Germany, and France ; in all of 
which countries, his reputation having preceded him, he was 
received with marked attention, and treated with great re- 
spect, and the kindest hospitality, by those in high political 
station, and the most distinguished philosophers and gentle- 
men of literary eminence. He was introduced to Louis XV. 
and the members of his family, and was received, and enter- 
lained with marks of particular distinction by the nobility and 
gentry, who were members of the French court. He was 
also noticed with particular attention by the various literary 
bodies in Paris, but especially by the Academy of Sciences, 
who elected him an honorary member of their body. 

Franklin embarked for England the third time, in the year 
in which the British ministry procured the passage of the 
celebrated "Stamp act." He exerted himself with the mi- 
nority, and his personal friends, to prevent its being carried 
into operation, and to prevent the troubles which he clearly 
foresaw and predicted would ensue from the course of mea. 



PENNSYLVANIA. 181 

aures the government were resolved on, respecting the 
American colonies. His established character, and the 
high estimation in which he was held in that country, gave 
him so much influence, that the opposition party thought it 
expedient to have him examined at the bar of the house of 
commons, and publicly interrogated concerning the interests 
and feelings of the American colonists. Thev therefore pro- 
cured a summons for that purpose, on the 3d of February, 
1766, which he most cheerfully obeyed. He acquitted him- 
self on the occasion in such a manner, as raised his reputa- 
tion still higher than it was before, in the estimation of both 
parties. This examination being afterwards published in 
England and America, in both countries it was sought after, 
and read with great solicitude ; and in the latter, it not only 
very much exalted his character, but endeared him to the 
hearts of his countrymen. While he was in England, he 
carefully watched the projects of the ministry, respectmg the 
colonies ; and foreseeing their consequences, which he depre- 
cated, he exerted his utmost efforts to prevent them ; and to 
his sincere regret, without success. He would gladly have 
effected a reconciliation at that time, had it been in his power. 
He foresaw an ultimate separation of the two countries ; but, 
like many others, he thought the time for it had not yet come, 
and that an attempt to bring it about must be premature. 

The time which he spent in England during this visit, 
(having been appointed agent for several of the colonies,) he 
devoted to watching the designs and projects of the ministe- 
rial party, and in efforts to ward off the approaching evils, 
which he painfully anticipated. And as he early perceived 
that it was impracticable to prevent their occurrence, he en- 
deavored to obtain information relative to their purposed 
measures, which he might improve for the best advantage 
of his country. In the course of his efforts to accomplish 
these objects, he met with open and gross insults from the 
minions of the ministry, which he endured with calm dignity, 
and great self command. Artful attempts were made to de- 
tach him from the interests of his country, and gain him on 
the side of the ministry ; all of which he penetrated and 
evaded with adroitness and decision. In this manner he 
spent several years in England, experiencing much which 
wounded his feelings, effecting none of the objects for which 
his mission was undertaken, but extending an acquaintance, 
which he knew would befriend the colonies in the approach- 
ing conflict, and acquiring information which he hoped would 

16 



182 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 

be beneficial to them. Being satisfied that his longer stay in 
England would be productive of no good results, and having 
learned that he might be marked out for ministerial ven- 
geance, he left that country somewhat precipitately, and 
arrived at Philadelphia, early in May, 1775. On his ar- 
rival, his friends and fellow citizens greeted him with great 
cordiality, and with marks of sincere respect and gratitude. 
These he had well merited, by his zeal and fidelity in their 
cause, and the eminent services he had rendered them. 

Immediately on his return, he was elected to a seat in the 
general congress. He was soon deputed on a mission to 
Canada, to prevail with that province to make a common 
cause by joining with the other colonies, in resisting the Bri- 
tish aggressions. He was also appointed by congress, to 
manage the general post office. And he devoted a share of 
his attention to providing for the defence of Philadelphia 
against the approach of an enemy by water. It was he who 
projected the chevaux de frise as one means of defence of 
that city. He also united his zealous endeavors with others, to 
procure a Declaration of Independence. He was on the 
committee by whom it was reported ; and he signed it upon 
its adoption by congress. 

In May, 1777, Doctor Frankhn was appointed by congress, 
together with John Adams, and Edward Rutledge, to hear 
the proposals of commissioners sent by the English govern- 
ment, to negotiate with congress a reconciliation. Lord 
Howe was at the head of that commission. With him Doc- 
tor Franklin had formerly become acquainted when he was 
in England. 

After the general congress had advised the several states 
to form a government for themselves, a convention was call- 
ed for that purpose. Doctor Franklin was chosen its presi- 
dent. 

In 1776, congress appointed him a commissioner to repair 
to the court of France, to negotiate with that government for 
aid to the United States, in their conflict with Great Britain. 
He undertook this embassy in the seventy-first year of his age. 
He sailed from America the latter part of October, and arri- 
ved in Nantz, without any disaster ; and after a few days of 
rest in that city, during which he learned intelligence which 
augured favorably for his mission, he proceeded to Paris. He 
reached there in December. Here he met with a very flat- 
tering reception from the men in power, a;nd received much to 
encourage and strengthen his hopes of accomplishing the 



PENNSYLVANIA. 188 

great object for which he undertook the mission. He had been 
endeavoring to prepare the way for it some time previous to the 
appointment, by corresponding with gentlemen in Holland, 
and elsewhere in Europe. The acquaintances he had formed 
in his previous missions, with distinguished men in different 
nations, eminently fitted him, in addition to his other qualifica- 
tions to undertake this service for his country. Before he 
left home, he committed his pecuniary funds to congress, 
which showed his confidence of ultimate success in the strug- 
gle, gave a new practical evidence of his patriotism, and set an 
example which he hoped would be followed by others, who 
possessed the means of aiding congress to maintain the war. 

To avoid the expense of a residence in Paris, after a short 
time, he took up his abode at Sassay, a neighboring vil- 
lage, where he resided during the whole time he remained 
in France. Although he was so favorably received in France, 
and was very much esteemed and respected there; although 
the feelings of both the government, and people of France 
were hostile to England, and in favor of the Americans, yet 
the cautious policy of the ministry kept them from openly 
espousing the American cause, though at the same time they 
secretly furnished aid to congress ; and he could not succeed 
in the great purpose of his mission, until some signal success of 
the Americans rendered it probable that the issue of the con- 
flict would be in their favor. This success was obtained in 
the capture of Burgoyne's army in 1777. That event gave 
such a favorable aspect to their affairs, that a treaty was ne- 
gotiated ; the American ambassadors were openly recognized: 
and the French government, in alliance with the United 
States, openly espoused the cause of American Independence. 
On this joyful occasion, to show his feelings, he wore the 
same dress, when rejoicing on account of this success, which 
to him was a triumph over the British ministry, that he had 
on at the time he received an insult from them some years 
before. 

The services which now devolved on Doctor Franklin, 
were complicated, arduous, and often perplexing ; but of 
great importance and much value to the United States; and 
these he performed with zeal and activity, though at a period 
when most men would retire from active labors, and enjoy 
the repose of old age. 

To his duties of a minister, he superadded those of a con- 
sul ; of judge of admiralty, for commissioning privateers, dec, ; 
and of a mercjiant, for purchasing and superintending the 



1S4 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 

shipment of property to the United States. To these was 
added much business of a subordinate character, important to 
his government, attended with great labor and perplexing 
anxiety, and for which congress had made no appointment of 
an agent. 

While he was thus engaged in France, congress sent him 
a commission to negotiate a treaty with the Spanish govern- 
ment. But their slow and temporizing course disgusted 
Franklin, which he manifested in a letter to Mr. Jay, then in 
Spain, in the following significant expressions. " They have 
taken four years to consider whether they would treat with 
us ; give them forty, and let us mind our own business." 
He carried on his negotiation with that government, through 
the Spanish minister in France. 

The successful result of his negotiation with the French 
government, placed Doctor Franklin in an attitude which 
called forth marks of respect from several of the European 
powers, highly flattering to his feelings ; especially as through 
him, they evinced their own, in relation to the country which 
he represented, and the cause she was supporting. These 
were evinced, in various ways, by Sweden, Denmark, and 
Austria. 

After the treaty with France was known in England, it 
excited no small alarm in that nation ; and the ministry espe- 
cially felt much solicitude about the effect it might have on 
themselves, and their hold upon the places they held in the 
government. Besides sending commissioners to America, to 
treat for peace, which they would gladly have obtained on 
any terms short of acknowledging the independence of the 
United States, they despatched emissaries, secret and open, to 
try their efforts for securing his influence in their favor. He, 
however, too well understood their characters to be influenced 
by their flattering attentions ; or to listen to any proposals 
from them, as a basis of an accommodation, short of what 
had been pledged to the world, in the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, which received his signature in 1776. 

The British made various attempts to detach the Ameri- 
cans from their allies, and to make a separate peace. All of 
these, whether they were attempted through him, or in the 
United States, Doctor Franklm opposed with an uniform de- 
cision and firmness, highly honorable to his character. 

When at length the British, wearied with the procrastinated 
struggle, and the unsuccessful manner of conducting it, were 
willing to treat for peace on the basis of independence, Doctor 



PENNSYLVANIA. 185 

Franklin with his colleagues, had the happiness to sign a 
definitive treaty of peace with Great Britain, highly honorable 
and auspicious to the interests, and grateful to the feelings 
of his countrymen, on the third day of September, 1783. 

Having now consummated the great object of his mission, 
and having attained to a great age, he solicited permission 
from congress to return to his home and friends. But he 
was detained there until 1785, when he was succeeded by 
Mr. Jefferson. While he was in Europe, he negotiated a 
treaty with Sweden and Prussia. 

While he was in France, he caused to be published in the 
French lajiguage, the several constitutions of the individual 
states, and placed two copies of each in the possession of all 
the foreign ministers at that court. 

After the supposed discovery of animal magnetism by Mes- 
mer had excited much speculation in Europe, and particu- 
larly in France, by the express desire of the king of France, 
Doctor Franklin engaged with a comrnittee to investigate its 
claims, and united with his colleagues in exposing its im- 
posture. 

After a residence in France of fourteen years, he took 
eave of the king and court, by whom such signal aid had 
been given to the United States, and from whom he had re- 
ceived marks of respect and distinction, which were con- 
ferred on few ministers of the most powerful governments, 
and prepared for his return to his beloved country ; which? 
on his arrival, he could greet with the deep-felt congratula- 
tions upon the restoration of peace, and a successful issue to 
their long and distressing contest. 

He crossed from France over to England ; and after 
spending a few da\'s in the society of some of his old friends, 
who visited him, he continued his voyage, and reached Phila- 
delphia on the fourteenth day of September. 

Although now eighty years of age, he spent this voyage 
across the Atlantic as he had done those in earlier life, in 
writing on various subjects, and making philosophical experi- 
ments. 

His arrival was greeted by all the evidences of pleasure 
and satisfaction, and the testimonies of respect, esteem, and 
gratitude, which could be demonstrated by an admiring and 
grateful people. Congratulatory addresses flowed in from 
public bodies, and distinguished individuals, continually, ex- 
pressive of the sense which his country entertained of his 
character and services. 

16* 



ISG BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, 

But his fellow citizens would not suffer him, notwithstand. 
ing his great age, to repose in the undisturbed tranquillity of 
domestic hfe. He was appointed president of the Pennsyl- 
vania convention, in which office he served that state the 
constitutional term of three years. 

In 1787, he was chosen a delegate to the federal conven- 
tion, which framed the constitution of the United States. He 
approved of it as it was accepted by the convention, and ur- 
gentlv recommended its adoption by the several states. 

After his Eige and intirmities constrained him wholly to 
withdraw from public hfe, he spent all the intervals of ease 
from those pains which the gout and stone caused him to 
suffer, in reading, writing, and corresponding with his nu- 
merous friends, with the same industry which had charac- 
terized his whole life, and the decays of his body appeared 
greatly in advance of those of his mind. Indeed the latter 
seem to have been scarcely impaired at all, even after he 
was wholly confined to his bed. His cheerfulness and phi- 
losophical composure remained to the last. But being worn 
out with his bodily and mental exertions for, the good of man- 
kind, he at length breathed his last, and yielded up his long 
and useful life, on the seventeenth day of April, 1790, in the 
eighty-fourth year of his age, in the city of Philadelphia. 

He was buried with great ceremony, and his funeral was 
attended by a vast concourse of people, notwithstanding he 
had in his will enjoined, that his interment should be unat- 
tended with pomp and parade. He also forbade, in the same 
instrument, the erection of all monumental ornaments at his 
grave. His burial took place on the 21st of April ; and an 
universal mourning for him throush the United States, was 
directed bv congress to be continued for thirtv davs. 

The event, on its having been announced in France, was 
noticed with tokens of grief and public respect, of various 
kinds, by the municipality of Paris and the national con- 
vention. Funeral orations were pronounced under the direc- 
tion of the former ; and it was decreed, that each of the 
members should wear mourning for three days ; and that a 
letter of condolence s lould be directed to the American con- 
gress, for the irrepnarable loss they had sustained. 

His immediate posterity were two children ; a son and a 
daughter. His son, who had been governor of New Jersey, 
under the British government, adhering to the royal part}% 
repaired to England, and closed his life there. His daughter 
married Mr. Bache, of Philadelphia ; and her posterity now 
reside in that city. 



PENNSYLVANIA. 187 



JOHN MORTON. 

In the gentleman, whose name stands at the head of this 
article, we are presented with another instance of a man 
rising, almost unassisted, from a condition in which he would 
have continued undistinguished from the thousands who sur- 
rounded him, and like them have descended to the grave, 
imremembered and unknown, but for the resolute and perse- 
vering efforts of a determined and vigorous mind. 

He was descended from Swedish ancestors, who came to 
America, and settled in the now state of Delaware, a short 
distance from Philadelphia. He received the name of his 
father, who married a Miss Richards, and died before his son, 
the subject of this sketch, was born. This event occurred in 
1724, in the township of Ridley, in the county of Delaware. 
At a suitable period after his father's decease, his mother was 
again married to Mr. John Sketchley, an English gentleman, 
who became fond of his young charge, and treated his little 
step-son with the kind endearment and affectionate care, 
which would have become his own father. He was a gen- 
tleman of education, vvas much employed as a surveyor, and 
was well qualified and happily disposed to become the affec- 
tionate tutor of his ward, which he did with fidelity, and no 
ordinary success. He taught him in several branches of 
mathematics, and especially in the art of surveying, and ren- 
dered him skilful in the busmess which he pursued. His 
mind by nature was strong ; and the benefits he derived from 
his step-futher's paternal instructions, he subsequently im- 
proved with a success at once honorable and exemplary. 
Afterwards he realized the fruits of his faithful and industrious 
labor, in a rich harvest of honors which were awarded to 
liim by his fellow citizens. 

His early employment was surveying new lands, and cul- 
tivating his patrimonial farm. In these he continued until he 
was called into public service, by the suffrages of his neigh- 
bors. 

In 1764, when he was about forty years of age, he was 
commissioned as a justice of the peace, under the provincial 
government of Pennsylvania. Soon afterwards, he was cho- 
sen a representative to the general assembly of that province ; 
gknd was, for a succession of years, speaker of the house. 



188 JOHN MORTON, 

After he was introduced to public employiTient, he seems to 
have rapidly risen in the esteem and confidence of his fellow 
men. By their concurrence he was sent a delegate to the 
congress of 1765, which met at New York, in conformity to 
the circular addressed to the legislative assemblies of the se- 
veral colonies, by the house of representatives of Massachu- 
setts, in consequence of the passing of the " Stamp act." 

There happening a vacancy in the office of high sheriff of 
the county where Mr. Morton resided, by the death of the in- 
cumbant, in 1766, he was appointed to fill the office, by the 
governor ; and this appointment was confirmed by the gene- 
ral assembly, at the next general election, by such a majority, 
as proved his extensive popularity, and the confidence which 
the public reposed in him. That office he held three years, 
to the entire satisfaction of the public. 

After American blood had been shed by the king's troops, 
at Lexington, in Massachusetts, the military spirit was kindled 
through the colonies. In Pennsylvania, in his immediate 
vicinity, it was manifested by the organization of a volunteer 
battalion, which elected him for their colonel and commander. 
He however declined accepting the office, on account of 
other public engagements, which he deemed to be incompati- 
ble with military services. He had held the office of presi- 
ding judge of the provincial court of quarter sessions and 
common pleas ; the duties of which he discharged with so 
much intelligence and fidelity, that about the time of the mili- 
tary honor proffered him, he was appointed one of the judges 
of the supreme court of the province. 

When it had been resolved to convene a general congress, 
from the several colonies, in Philadelphia, to consider of the 
alarming prospects of the country, the assembly of Pennsyl- 
vania appointed Mr. Morton a delegate to that body, on the 
22d day of July, 1774. He was re-elected to congress in 
December ot the same year. In November, 1775, while he 
was officiating as speaker of the assembly, he was again 
chosen to represent the province in congress; and in July, 
1776, he was once more, and for the last time, honored by 
an appointment to the same important office. Although his 
last election was, by some days, subsequent to the day on 
which the great question of the independence of the United 
States was determined, his previous election had retained him 
in his seat on that memorable day ; and he was then called 
©n officially, to decide the question whether there should be 
an unanimous vote of the colonies, or whether Pennsylvania 



PENNSYLVANIA. 189 

would cling to her opposition to the measure, and remain an 
exception to the otherwise unanimous decision. The opinions 
and determination of his colleagues then present, were well 
known, and they being equally divided, it devolved on him to 
decide the question by his single vote. The responsibility 
of his situation was solemn and momentous. But he met the 
trying occasion with the firmness it demanded, and gave his 
vote in favor of independence. Thus the thirteen British 
American Colonies renounced their allegiance to Great Bri- 
tain, and immediately assumed the title of the United States 
of America. His re-election on the twentieth of the same 
month on which, by his single vote, he had bound Pennsyl- 
vania to the Union, must have been highly gratifying to his 
feelings. 

The services which Mr. Morton rendered, during the time 
he was a member of congress, were numerous and important. 
Like the other members, he was much employed on commit- 
tees, and he was chairman of that distinguished one which 
formed, and ultimately reported the system of confederation, 
which was agreed to in 1777. 

When he found himself called on to decide the great ques- 
tion just noticed, it is confidently affirmed, and fully believed,, 
that the deep sense of the awful responsibility which then lay 
on him, produced such an effect on his health, as hastened, 
if it did not cause, his death. This event to human view, was 
premature, it having occurred in April, 1777, when he had 
not attained the full age of fifty. four years. 

He was married to Miss Anne Justus of Delaware, and 
their offspring were numerous. Eight survived their father, 
three sons, and five daughters. 

Mr. Morton was a member of St. James's church, in the 
town of Chester ; in the cemetery of which his remains were 
interred. 

The rank and honors to which he rose, from the humble 
condition of his early life, with the aid of no very extraordinary 
advantages, evince a strong energetic mind, and talents of a 
high order ; and he discharged all the duties of public and 
domestic life in such a consistent manner, as became such a 
man, professing the religion of the gospel, and acting in con- 
forinity with its principles and requirements. 



190 GEORGE CLYMER, 



GEORGE CLYMER. 



The father of George Ciymer emigrated from Bristol, in 
England, and settled at Philadelphia. He was connected 
with a very respectable family in the former city, where he 
Was born and educated. In Philadelphia he married, lived 
but a few years, and died. At the time of his parent's decease, 
George was but seven years old, and left in a state of orphan- 
age. But in his uncle, William Coleman Esquire, a highly 
respectable citizen of Philadelphia, this orphan child had pro- 
videntially provided for him the kindness of a father, the wis- 
dom and caution of a judicious guardian, and the precepts 
and example of a well informed and upright man. 

This worthy man, having such a charge placed in his hands 
cheerfully assumed the responsibility ; and he early provided 
liis young ward with such means of education, as he deemed 
his destined business as a commercial man required, to quali- 
fy him to fulfil the duties of a merchant with faithfulness, re- 
spectabihty, and (so far as it rested on qualifications to ensure 
it) success. Mr. Coleman undertook the superintendence 
of his nephevv 's education. He treated him as a son, and a 
member of his family, till he married. 

Having finished his education preparatory to entering 
on his business, his uncle placed him in his compting-house, 
that he might become qualified for mercantile pursuits. The 
business was not congenial to his feelings, although he at- 
tended with fidelity to the duties of his station. His princi- 
pies were opposed to the trafficking of a merchant, because 
he believed the vicissitudes of sudden losses and gains were 
connected with temptations dangerous to moral principle, 
exposing young men to make shipwreck of character, either 
by great and sudden prosperity, or deep adversity. In his 
adherence to these views, he was uniform; and although 
he entered into mercantile business himself, in connection 
with a Mr. Robert Ritchie, and afterwards with his father- 
in-law and brother-in-law, Mr. Meredith &; Son, he, never- 
theless, successfully dissuaded his children from engaging in 
it, as a business which he did not approve. 

He inherited the principal part of his uncle's fortune. 
When about twenty-seven years of age, he married Miss 
Elizabeth Meredith, with whose father and brother he con- 
tinued the mercantile business until the decease of the for- 



PENxNSYLVANIA. 191 

mer, and afterwards with the son, until about 1782. Not- 
withstanding his engagements in business, by which much of 
his time was necessarily occupied, he was assiduous in culti- 
vating and improving his mind by reading, for which he had 
a strong relish from his childhood. Happily for him, his 
uncle's library, which was large and judiciously selected, 
furnished him ample means for gratifying his disposition, 
even from his youth. 

Mr. Clymer manifested republican principles at an early 
age ; and even anticipated many who were decided in sup- 
port of the colonial rights against British usurpation. He 
attended all the public and private meetings which were 
called in Philadelphia, to consider of the political state of 
Americans, and to devise proper measures to be pursued in the 
approaching emergency. In those meetings, and at all other 
suitable seasons, he uniformly evinced such an ardent zeal 
and firm resolution, in support of the cause he maintained, 
and such an enlightened understanding of the grounds that 
sustained it, that his fellow citizens early looked upon him as 
one who would take the place of a leader among them, in de- 
fence of their common rights and dearest interests. So soon 
as it was ascertained that a resort to arms would become 
necessary for maintaining the just rights of the colonies, and 
that all conciliatory means had been rejected by parliament, 
Mr. Clymer accepted the command of a volunteer company, 
and retained it, with much satisfaction to General Cadwalla- 
der, to whose brigade he was attached, until his civil engage- 
ments rendered it improper for him to hold it longer. When 
he resigned his military commission, his commanding general 
expressed much regret at his retirement from military life. 

When the British parliament passed the " Tea act," as it 
was called, which excited such an opposition on the part of 
the people in Boston, as resulted in throwing some cargoes 
into the dock ; the same spirit was felt throughout the com- 
mercial colonies ; and in Philadelphia strenuous efforts were 
made for resisting the operation of that law. Mr. Clymer 
took a leading part in the opposition of his fellow citizens ; 
and was personally very much engaged in rousing up the 
spirit of patriotism, in devising systematic measures, and in 
rendering the measures effectual in practice. He was placed 
at the head of a large and responsible committee of vigi- 
lance, one of whose duties it was to detect attempts to evade 
their regulations, and punish the transgressors. Another 
was, to persuade those who had been appointed agents 



192 GEORGE CLYMER, 

to sell such cargoes of tea as might be sent out by the East 
India company, to resign their agency. 

So soon as it was deemed expedient to appoint a council 
of safety, he was selected for a member of that board. 
Shortly after congress appointed him, in conjunction with 
Michael Hillegas, one of the first continental treasurers. 
The duties of thai office he discharged with fidelity, till about 
the time of his election to congress. When this event took 
place, Mr. Clymer resolved to devote himself exclusively to 
civil life, in promoting those important interests of his coun- 
try, which would naturally come before him as a member of 
the continental congress. 

At a very early period of the controversy with England, he 
entered into the interests of the colonies with the strongest 
solicitude to promote their prosperity by all the means he pos- 
sessed. With this view he took much pains to procure a 
loan for the continental service by subscription ; and was 
one of the first subscribers to it ; and he exerted himself to 
induce others to follow his example. 

At this time, (the early part of 1776,) the representatives in 
congress from Pennsylvania, were unfavorable to a separation 
of the colonies from Great Britain ; and when the question 
Game to a decision, they refused to concur, and withdrew 
from their seats in congress. On the twentieth of July of 
that year, George Clymer, Doctor Benjamin Rush, James 
Wilson, George Ross, and George Taylor, Esquires, were 
appointed to succeed their hesitating predecessors, and to 
take their seats in congress. Although he was not a member 
when the great measure was decided, and could not there- 
fore sign it at the time, he affixed his signature to it, as soon 
as his official station admitted of his doing it authoritat' ely ; 
and thus consummated one of the most ardent desires of his 
heart. He had looked forward to the adoption of that great 
measure as the beginning of a system of proceedings on the 
part of the American colonies, which was to lay a broad foun- 
dation for the future prosperity of his country, and wias fully 
persuaded that nothing of much importance could be accom- 
plished until that had taken place. 

Mr. Clymer was appointed by congress, in September 1776, 
one of a confidential committee mentioned in this volume, 
to repair to Ticonderoga, to inspect the condition of the 
northern army. He was also designated a member of a 
most important committee which congress deemed it neces-. 
TSary to have continued in Philadelphia, after they had re- 



PENNSYLVANIA. 193 

tired from that city, by reason of the approach of the enemy's 
forces to take possession of it. The performance of the du- 
ties which this appointment had devolved on him, required 
great self-denial, fidelity, and caution. The performance was 
rendered in a manner answerable to the confidence reposed 
in him by congress, and corresponding to his long established 
reputation. 

On the twelfth day of March, 1777, he was again elected 
a member of congress, and continued to be active only until 
the nineteenth of May following, at which time he obtained 
leave of absence for the purpose of recruiting his health, 
which had become impaired by reason of his arduous and 
unremitting attention to his pubhc duties. He was, while 
present in congress, continually employed on committees of 
great importance, for maturing business of many kinds for 
the final decision of that body. Indeed, indolence and inac- 
tion were not admissible. 

Again in 1777, Mr. Clymer was deputed on a committee 
to repair to the head quarters of General Washington, to in- 
stitute an inquiry into the state of the army, and to investi- 
gate the causes of complaint of the commissary's department. 
Many abuses are said to have been practised in that important 
branch of the public service, by reason of which the military 
operations of the army were impeded and deranged. This 
committee, consisting of Mr. Clymer, Mr. Philip Livingston 
and Mr. Gerry, was to search them out, and apply the best 
remedy of which the case admitted. 

At the time of General Washington's defeat at the Brandy, 
wine, when the British army was marching towards Philadel- 
phia, Mr. Clymer's family, having previously left their resi- 
dence, had retired to Chester county for safety. This move- 
ment, calculated for their security, eventually placed them in 
the danger they intended to avoid. By domestic traitors, 
their place of retreat was pointed out to a band of the enemy, 
who went to the place, sacked his house, destroyed his furni- 
ture, drank as much of his stock of liquors as they could, and 
then stove the residue of such as they were unable to carry 
away with them. 

Mr. Clymer appears to have been peculiarly obnoxious to 
the British. Doubtless this was in consequence of his firm, 
uniform, and active resistance to all their endeavors to ensure 
success to the royal cause. He did not sufier his personal 
losses by their means, nor the absence of his family, aggra. 

17 



194 GEORGE CLYMER, 

vated as it was by sickness, to call him from a faithful at- 
tendence on the important trusts committed to him by con- 
gress. After the British had taken possession of Philadel- 
phia, they commenced giving vent to their resentment, by 
gathering, as they supposed, around his house to demolish it. 
Fortunately they mistook the house of one of his relatives 
for his ; and on being assured of their mistake, their resent- 
ment so far abated, that they spared the building, and left the 
habitation unmolested. 

In 1777, the Indians bordering upon the western frontiers 
of Virginia and Pennsylvania, instigated by British agents, 
sent as emissaries among them for the purpose, committed 
many acts of savage barbarity among the scattered and de- 
fenceless inhabitants in that region. Some of the white set- 
tlers were, by the same influence, induced to aid them in 
their atrocities. These things were viewed as hazarding the 
friendship of the Shawanese and Delaware Indians, who had 
continued amicably inclined towards the Americans. They 
had entered into a league of friendship with congress ; and 
for that reason they were threatened with hostilities, by 
their neighbors. 

To prevent by anticipation further evils from that source, 
congress appointed a commission, consisting of three, to re. 
pair to Fort Pitt, to investigate the subject. Mr. Clymer was 
one of the commissioners; and he, alone of the three, went , 
to the scene of these troubles. Their instructions were to in- 1 
vestigate the origin, progress, and extent of the disaffection, 
and to take such measures as they might deem requisite, to 
prevent its further progress, and to restore tranquillity among 
the disaffected, by bringing them to a just sense of their duty, |i 
Their powers, comprised in their instructions for accom- 
plishing this purpose, were ample, in a great degree discre- 
tionary, and of a very delicate nature to be exercised on such 
a theatre. 

Whatever causes may have prevented his colleagues from 
attending to this important call of their country, Mr. Clymer 
entered on the arduous and hazardous service singly, early 
in the year 1778. He went to Pittsburgh, and by reason of 
the failure of his colleagues in attending, he found himself 
much embarrassed and obstructed in prosecuting the objects 
of his mission to a favorable result. 

It was, however, productive of considerable advantage to 
the Americans ; and, although in some respects, its results 



PENNSYLVANIA. 195 

were not as beneficial as had been anticipated, it was not 
owing to any want of fidelity in him, after his arrival at the 
place appointed. 

During his absence on that business, Mr. Clymer narrowly- 
escaped destruction by an Indian's tomahawk. His preser- 
vation was, as afterwards appeared evident, inconsequence 
of his choosing one of two roads, which led with about equal 
facility to the place of his destination. By taking the one 
he pursued, unapprised of special danger in either, he reach- 
ed his friend's house in safety ; and on the same day, a white 
man was murdered by a savage, on the road which Mr. Cly- 
mer had not travelled. Whenever his patriotism was put in 
special requisition by the call of his country, the demand was 
met with great promptitude. This was often verified ; and 
particularly, at a time when the treasury was drained, and 
the means for replenishing it were not at ready command, and 
the army was in danger of disbanding, by reason of their in- 
tense sufferings from cold and hunger. To relieve this distress- 
ing condition of the government, a number of the citizens of 
Philadelphia stepped forward, and instituted a special bank, 
which sustained the public credit in that emergency. By that 
means, the disastrous event which was feared was obviated. 
Of this plan, from which no sinister advantage was contem- 
i plated by the stockholders, Mr. Clymer was one of the first 
, projectors, and not only subscribed to it himself, but used his 
I utmost exertions to induce others to subscribe also. The bank 
I was organized ; proffered as an aid to congress ; and accepted 
I by that body, with a vote of thanks to its projectors, and an 
' assurance of full indemnity to the public spirited stockhold- 
' ers. When it went into operation, Mr. Clymer was selected 
: as one of its managing directors, and remained such until its 
concerns were closed. 

I In the autumn of the year 1780, Mr. Clymer was notified 
of his election to congress a third time, and immediately took 
his seat, and resumed his active labors in the national council, 
] So faithfully did he devote himself to the public service, du- 
(ring the interval between November, 1780, and the same 
I month in 1782, that he was absent from his place but a few 
1 weeks in the lapse of about two years, and some of those were 
employed in services assigned him by congress. So para, 
mount in his estimation were the concerns of the public, en- 
trusted to him, to those of his individual interest, that the latter 
received but a small share of his attention for several years. 



196 GEORGE CLYMER, 

He evinced the same zeal and patronage in favor of the na- 
tional bank, when the plan of that institution was proposed to 
congress by Robert Morris, Esq., that he had formerly, in 
favor of the special bank just mentioned. 

In 1782, the several states having been very slow in sup- 
plying their several quotas for the public service, congress 
considered it necessary to adopt some measures more efficient 
for that purpose than such as had been hitherto pursued. In 
pursuance of that object in relation to the southern states, 
congress appointed Mr. Clymer, and Mr. Edward Rutledge, 
commissioners to repair thither, and make such representa- 
tions to their several executives, as were calculated to promote 
an object so vitally important to the public service. 

After having executed the duties of that mission, having 
also vacated his seat in congress, he removed his family to 
Princeton in New Jersey, with a view to educating his fa- 
mily. That justly celebrated seminary furnished many advan- 
tages favorable for his purpose, such as could not be found in 
]}is native state. He thought he saw the revolutionary con- 
test drawing near to its close ; and in that event being real- 
ized, he was convinced he might be suffered to withdraw from 
public service, without any sacrifice of duty ; and in the enjoy- 
ment of domestic quietude, attend to the interests and con-j 
cerns of his own family. But after a short residence there, 
an intimation that his services were needed in Pennsylvania, 
induced him to return to the theatre of public life, and relin- 
quish his peaceful retreat at Princeton. He was elected to 
the legislature of Pennsylvania, at a time when a malignant 
spirit of party was running very high in that state, and he was 
selected, in connection with Robert Morris and Thomas Fitz- 
simmons, Esquires, to co-operate with them in obviating its 
baneful effects, and anticipated consequences. 

It was during his continuance as a member of the state 
legislature, that the penitentiary system for punishing male- 
factors, was substituted for the more summary, and in many 
instances sanguinary penalties, which the existing code of 
laws required. For its establishment in that state, he was a 
zealous and a uniform advocate. If he did not originate the 
plan, he was one of its earliest friends, and he continued to urge 
its adoption, until success crowned his efforts. He was un* 
doubtedly a principal agent in meliorating the criminal law 
and its penalties, which were applied in numei'ous instances, 
in conformity to it, in his native state ; and for which he 
merited the title of a public benefactor. 



PENNSYLVANIA. 197 

When it was determined to call a convention from the 
several states, to frame a constitution for a general govern- 
ment of the United States in place of the old confederation. 
Mr. Clymer received a new evidence of public confidence. 
While he was yet an acting member of the legislature of 
Pennsylvania, that body appointed him one of their delegates 
to the convention, which was soon after to meet in Philadel- 
phia. The constitution having been formed, and adopted by 
the requisite number of states to commence its operation, 
Mr. Clymer was chosen a member of the first congress which 
convened under its authority. In this, as in every preceding 
instance, his course was marked by that same industry, intel- 
ligence, integrity, and patriotism which had uniform^ regu- 
lated and marked his whole public life. 

He was in favor of the naturalization of foreigners who 
sought a residence here ; but he was justly in favor of sub- 
jecting emigrants to a longer term of probation, before they 
became entitled to the elective privileges of native citizens, 
than was adopted under a subsequent administration. 

After the first congress closed its term of two years, Mr. 
Clymer declined a re-election. This terminated his legislative 
career. But President Washington appointed him supervisor 
of the revenue for the state of Pennsvlvania. The office in 
that state was attended with many difficulties, by reason of 
the opposition which had been excited to its exactions (and 
the law by which they were required) in the western coun- 
ties. From these, however, he did not shrink, notwithstand- 
ing, in performing the requisite duties, he was exposed to 
personal dangers, and even his life was at times in jeopardy. 
The faithful performance of his official duties, however, he 
found so difficult, and attended with so much odium, that he 
was induced to resign it. This step he expected would finish 
the career of his public duties ; but it proved otherwise. 

In the year 1796, he was appointed, with Colonels Haw- 
kins and Pickens, to negotiate a treaty with the Cherokee 
and Creek Indians in Georgia. Mr. Clymer with his attend- 
ants took passage by water to Georgia, and by doing so was 
much in danger of being shipwrecked ; they having been over- 
taken by a storm, in a vessel unsea- worthy. But being able, 
after much toiling at the pumps, to make a harbor at Charles- 
ton, in South Carolina, the scene was agreeably changed, 
and their sufferings compensated by the hospitality they re- 
ceived from the citizens of Charleston. 

After some delay the commissioners arrived at the scene 

17* 



198 JAMES SMITH, 

of their labors, and negotiated a treaty, to the mutual satis- 
faction of the parties. Having accomplished the objects of 
their mission to Georgia, Mr. and Mrs. Clymer embarked at 
St. Mary's, on the twentieth day of July, to return to their 
own home in Pennsylvania. This service closed the political 
life of Mr. Clymer ; the aggregate of which was more than 
twenty years. 

During the continuance of his after life, Mr. Clymer was 
engaged in promoting several different objects of public 
utility. Among these it will be proper to mention the Aca- 
demy of Arts and Sciences, which still exists in Philadelphia. 
He was an early and zealous patron of that institution ; and 
after its establishment he was placed at its head. That office 
he held till his decease. He was an active promoter of the 
Philadelphia Agricultural Society, and was chosen vice pre- 
sident of that institution ; in which office he continued until 
the close of his useful life. The business of agriculture, as 
a science, engaged much of his attention ; and in its favor he 
uniformly showed much interest ; and in truth, few things 
seem to have escaped his notice, which presented a prospect 
of advancing the prosperity and happiness of his country. 

Having filled up many years with numerous acts of public 
and private usefulness, this worthy patriot and estimable phi- 
lanthropist closed a long and laborious life, on the twenty- 
third day of January, in the seventy-fourth year of his age. 
During that long period of intercourse with his fellow men, 
both in public and private life, his moral character was con- 
sidered irreproachable. 



Q9* 



JAMES SMITH. 

This gentleman was a native of Ireland, and came to 
America, when he was quite a lad, and one of a numerous 
family of children, for whom his father, a respectable 
farmer, sought a settlement in this new world. As no 
record of his birth has been preserved, and since he pre- 
served its date an inviolable secret, which he carried with 
him to his grave, there are no means of ascertaining pre- 
cisely his age. The most that is clearly known respecting it 



PENNSYLVANIA. 199 

is, that he was born early in the eighteenth century, proba- 
bly between 1712 and 17*20. 

The residence which the father selected for the settlement 
of his family, was on the west side of the Susquehannah River. 
He there lived to see his children comfortably provided for, 
and died in 1761, leaving behind him a respectable charac- 
ter, for honesty and benevolence. 

James, the subject of this memoir, was the second son ; 
and his father concluded to give him an opportunity for ac- 
quiring an education superior to what was common at that 
time in the colonies. For this purpose he placed him under 
the immediate charge of the Reverend Doctor Allison, pro- 
vost of the college at Philadelphia — a gentleman to whom 
several of his colleagues, signers of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, and other distinguished men of that age, were 
under obligations for useful instruction in their collegiate 
life. Under his tuition, James Smith acquired a tolerable 
knowledge of the Greek and Latin languages. But what 
was most useful and profitable to himself, and rendered him 
much respected in the thinly populated part of the colony 
where he resided, was the art of surveying, v/hich he learned 
under Doctor Allison's instruction. With such preparatory 
qualifications he commenced the study of law in Lancaster, 
where his elder brother was already established in the prac 
tice of that profession. Having passed througli his prepara- 
tory, term he removed to a considerable distance westward, 
where there were but few inhabitants, and there pursued the 
business of a practitioner of law, and that of a surveyor of 
lands. The place where he located himself, although long 
since a thickly settled and flourishing part of Pennsylvania, 
was then almost an entire wilderness. It was in the vicinity 
of what is now Shippensburg. 

The numerous speculations in land, and the uncertain 
condition of the relative boundaries, always fruitful sources 
of litigation, had already produced their usual effects in that 
remote region, and furnished Mr. Smith with a full supply 
of professional employment ; and it continued to be a pro- 
ductive source of business and gain during the long term 
which, with occasional interruptions, he pursued it. This 
extended to nearly sixty years. 

But ample success in procuring professional employment, 
and the prospect of accumulating a fortune, did not compen- 
sate him for the privations he was destined to experience in 
that wilderness ; and after a short continuance there, he re- 



200 JAMES SMITH, 

moved to York, a flourishing village, where he might in con- 
Hection with his professional business, be favored with the 
pleasures of intelligent society, to which he felt a strong 
attachment. 

Another inducement urged him to this change of residence. 
There was not at that time, any lawyer in York ; and after 
his removal he continued to occupy the station alone, with- 
out any competitor, for many years. 

Soon after his settlement in York, he was united by mar- 
riage to Miss Eleanor Amor, of Newcastle, in Delaware ; a 
lady with whom he lived many years in the enjoyment of 
great domestic felicity. Mr. Smith was at the head of the 
bar in that county, from his first settling in York until the 
commencement of the American revolution. 

He was a person of many eccentricities of character ; and 
possessed a vein of wit and humor, which rendered him a 
favorite companion in every social circle. He had read 
much, possessed a retentive memory, and had collected from 
reading and observation a large fund of anecdotes, which he 
would relate, and apply in a manner to excite much amuse- 
ment on every occasion. But notwithstanding this natural 
proneness to hilarity, on every thing connected with the 
Christian religion, and its ministers, he was grave and sedate; 
and never did himself, nor suffered others in his presence to 
sneer at or jest with those objects which he held to be sacred. 

Mr. Smith spent his time happily from his establishment 
in York, until the prospect of the country's rights and tran- 
quillity became overcast ; and the apprehensions of all intelli- 
gent men began to look for an approaching crisis, in which the 
liberties of tue American provinces would be involved in 
great difficulty and hazard. On the aspect of the times Mr. 
Smith, like other leading and cautious patriots in that and 
other provinces, had early fixed his attention ; and, like them 
also, he soon determined, whatever might ensue, upon resist- 
ing illegal and unconstitutional encroachments by the British 
government, on the rights of the colonists. Thus, when the 
question of resistance or submission came to be a subject of 
general discussion, he was advanced beyond many others in 
his views of what would be requisite to meet the crisis, and 
in his readiness to adopt all such measures, as the just rights 
of the colonies demanded for their protection. In this respect 
}ie stood on a footing with Richard Henry Lee, George 
Washington, and Patrick Henry, of Virginia, J. and vS. 



PENNSYLVANIA. 201 

Adams, and John Hancock, of Massachusetts, and other 
patriots in different parts of the country*. 

Hence Mr. Smith was already prepared, when the two 
leading . measures which were proposed by some persons in 
Boston, for a non-importation agreement, as respected Great 
Britain and her dependencies, and the meeting of a general 
congress of delegates from all the American colonies, to con- 
sult for the general safety, to adopt them without any hesita- 
tion, and considered them as indispensable. So soon as this 
proposal from Massachusetts reached Pennsylvania, it found 
in him an active and zealous advocate. 

A meeting having been called of delesates from the several 
counties in Pennsylvania to collect and ascertain the senti- 
ments of the people of that province, on these propositions, 
and on the condition of public affairs generally, Mr. Smith 
appeared, and took his seat as one of three delegates from 
the county of York, in which he resided. This body of dele- 
gates received the appellation of " The Committee of the Pro- 
vince of Pennsylvania," and it was composed of men of high 
standing in the province for intelligence, undoubted in 
tegrity, and patriotism. After they had ascertained and col» 
lected the general sentiments of the people, through their re- 
presentatives, their mosi important duty was to express them in 
the form of instructions. A select committee was appointed 
by the meeting to prepare this important document, of which 
Mr. Smith was a member. 

The report which that committee rendered to the body by 
vhich it v.'as appointed, and which was adopted bv that assem- 
bly of delegates, was pacific and respectful, yet firm, in re- 
lation to ultimately uniting in all such measures as congress 
might deem it necessan*' to adopt, for the security of their co- 
ioniU rights, provided redress and security could not be ob- 
tained agranst parliamentary' usurpation by less hostile mea- 
^ures. ^ow Mr. Smith voted in the committee reo-arding 
this report, is not known with certainty. But his conduct, 
and the measures he adopted, immediately on his return 
home, furnish no small ground for believing that he was 
disposed, even then to dissolve all colonial connection with 
the parent state, and bid her defiance at once. For soon af- 
tor he returned to York, he commenced raising and drilling 
a company of volunteers, of which he took the command, as 
their captain. This being the first volunteer corps raised 
ixi Pennsylvania for opposing the British, and undertaken by 
Mr. Snaith, on his own responsibility, was the conMiiencement 



202 JAMES SMITH, 

of a system which, in a short time began to be enlarged, and 
was extensively imitated in that province with success ; and 
also with much benefit to the general cause for which they 
Iiad associated. When the volunteer companies in that 
vicinity had become sufficiently numerous to form a regiment, 
he was chosen its colonel. Hence he derived the title which 
he held merely as honorary. His age forbidding his assum- 
ing the actual command ; he received the appointment as it 
was designed, as an honorable mark of respect for his char- 
acter and patriotic exertions, and left the active duty of 
commanding to his juniors in years, and in office. 

*' The convention for the province of Pennsylvania" mot 
the first time in January, 1775. This kind of assembly, in 
the several colonies, was a distinct body from the authorized 
legislative assemblies convened under the superintendence of 
the royal governors ; and not long after their organization, 
they generally superseded them, and became the acknow- 
iedged legislative assemblies of the several provinces ; and 
those alone whose authority the people would acknowledge 
as legitimate. Of that convention Mr. Smith was returned 
a member for York ; and was among the most prompt, and 
foremost fw adopting strong resolutions, and decided mea- 
sures, for defending the constitutional rights and hberty of the 
\merican colonies, against their invaders. 

The province of Pennsylvania, owing to a peculiarity in 
the character, and religious sentiments of a large portion of 
her population, and some other causes, was backward in as- 
.suming that attitude of determined resistance which the safety 
of the country demanded. The Quakers were almost unani- 
jiious in their opposition to the congress, and to all the mea- 
sures which were recommended by that body, for resisting 
ibe claims of the English government. They had great in- 
Uuence with a numerous class of the people ; and by publish- 
ing their " annual testimony," they embarrassed the measures 
of'congress. This state of the province influenced many of 
llieir leading and patriotic men, to advance cautiously and 
slowly towards the time of division, which was then drawing 
near, between Great Britain and the colonies. But the colonies 
were in a condition which rendered it impracticable to re- 
treat, without surrendering at discretion, and accepting life 
on such conditions as an incensed enemy might impose. The 
other alternative, and the only one, was to advance and con- 
quer, or perish in the conffict. A few men, comparatively in 
?hat province, were prepared for the latter. Among these, 



PENNSYLVANIA. 203 

ijne of the earliest, most resolute, and determined, we have 
already seen, was James Smith. 

But the time rapidly approached when this timid and cau- 
tious policy, by which the general assembly was nearly spell- 
bound, had to give place to another system; and those feel- 
ings of languor in which so many had hitherto indulged, were 
to yield to those of a more energetic tone, and a corres- 
ponding activity of conduct. Pennsylvania must decide the 
question, whether she would unite with the other provinces in 
throwing off her allegiance, and make common cause with 
them, or abide by her allegiance, and accept the terras which 
might be given to her. A Declaration of Independence of 
the American colonies, was at length found to be indispensa- 
ble by the general assembly of that colony ; and it was some- 
what difficult to select men for delegates in congress, who 
were prepared to meet the occasion, and unite with those 
from other j)rovinces in pledging Pennsylvania to sanction 
and support the bold and hazardous measure. Such men 
however did exist; they were selected by the general 
assembly, and appointed to occupy the seats of some who had 
vacated their places, either because they disapproved of the 
measure, or because they shrunii from the 'tearful responsi- 
bility. Among this number was James Smith of York. In 
all the efforts which were made by the leading patriots of 
Pennsylvania, to awaken the people, and the legislative 
assembly of that province, to a realizing apprehension of their 
true condition, of their perils, and of the indispensable neces- 
sity for meeting the crisis which had arrived, with a deter- 
mined resolution and vigorous effort, Mr. Smith was one of the 
boldest, most active, persevering, and influential. He pur- 
sued the object, uniting his exertions with those of his friends 
of a congenial temper, with an untiring activity, and a deci- 
sion of character, that did him great honor. 

After congress had passed a resolve, the conclusion of 
which recommended to the several colonies to "adopt such 
governments as in the opinion of the representatives of the 
people, might best conduce to the happiness and safety of 
their constituents in particular, and America in general;" the 
instructions of the general assembly last given to their dele- 
gates, being strongly in opposition to declaring the colonies 
independent ; the spirit of the people was roused, and they 
appointed a convention of delegates from the several counties 
lo meet in Philadelphia, to consult on their condition, and to 
mrike known their sentiments to the general assembly. This 



204 JAMES SMITH, 

conference was held at the time appointed ; it consisted of 
ninety-six delegates, selected from the most decided whigs in 
the colony. A select committee of three members was 
appointed to draw up a statement of their sentiments, and 
report it to the meeting the next day. The committee con. 
sisted of three members, viz. Thomas M'Kean, James Smith, 
and Benjamin Rush. The report was ably drawn, consider, 
ing the short time allowed the committee ; it was firm and 
spirited ; it embraced the leading principles and sentiments 
afterwards expressed in the Declaration of Independence. 
In that paper may be seen, as if reflected by a mirror, the 
patriotic character of Colonel Smith, as well as his col- 
leagues. 

It was this declaration of the sentiments of the people, through 
their representatives, that produced the desired effect upon 
the general assembly, and left their delegates to act their own 
pleasure. In bringing about this revolution in the sentiments 
of the people, Colonel Smith was one of the most active and 
influential persons in the province. He early saw that the 
struggle would ultimately come to the point ; and he made 
every exertion in his power, to prepare the community for 
the event. 

He was chiefly instrumental in exciting the military spirit 
which existed in Pennsylvania, and which became highly im- 
portant during the contest. He commenced it, as has been 
stated, by raising a volunteer corps in York ; and it extended 
through the colony, until it embraced, according to the testi- 
mony of Mr. Penn before the Bri^sh house of lords, a body 
of " Associators," amounting to twenty thousand men, who 
had volunteered their services to the state. This had all been 
effected previously to the resolution in congress, introduced 
by Mr. Lee of Virginia for a Declaration of Independence. 

After congress had passed the resolution, declaring the 
American colonies free and independent states, it became 
necessary for each of the states to adopt a government suited 
to its new condition. For this purpose a convention of dele- 
gates was called, to form a constitution for Pennsylvania, 
which assembled on the fifteenth day of July, 1776, in Phila- 
delphia. Colonel Smith was a member of that convention. 
By that body he was appointed a member of a committee, 
" to make an essay for a declaration of rights for that state." 
But before that committee had had time to make their 
report, the convention, which had superseded the genera! 
assembly, appointed nine members of congress, of which 



PENNSYLVANIA. 205 

Colonel Smith was one. This was on the twentieth day of 
July, eighteen days after the declaration was passed in con- 
gress ; and yet previous to the time appointed for the several 
members to affix their signatures to the parchment, on which 
the declaration was engrossed. 

His appointment to a place in congress, did not induce him 
immediately to vacate his seat in the convention. He con- 
tinued an active and important member of that assembly; 
and was appointed a member of several select committees, 
to whose charge was referred some of the most interestino- 
subjects they had to determine. After the convention had 
finished the business of its appointment. Colonel Smith took 
his seat in congress. But it was not until the beginning of 
October of that year, that he commenced his regular attend- 
ance in that national council. Nor had he been long a 
member before he was called, together with Mr. Wilson, Mr. 
Chase, Mr. Clymer, and Mr. Stockton, to the exercise of a 
most important trust. They constituted an executive com- 
mittee, whose duties are expressed in these terms, " To de- 
vise and execute measures for effectually reinforcing General 
Washington, and obstructing the progress of General Howe's 
army." This, at that juncture, comprised but little, if any 
thing, short of directing the whole business of superintending 
and carrpng on the war. 

From the time of his entering congress until March, 1777, 
Colonel Smith was continually employed in the house, or 
engaged in the business of the committee last mentioned. 

The interest he had long felt in the public concerns had 
called him so much abroad, that his private interests had suf- 
fered considerable detriment in consequence of his absence. 
He therefore determined to decline a re-election in ttie spring 
of 1777, that he might have an opportunity to attend to his 
own affairs. He returned to his family, and engaged again 
in his professional employments, and pursued them with great 
assiduity. 

His retirement, however, was of short continuance. For 
such was the situation of the country, and indeed of con- 
gress, after the British took possession of Philadelphia, and 
the battles of Germantown and Brandywine, that he was 
again urged to consent to resume his seat in congress ; and 
in December of that year he consented to engage again in 
the public service, as a member of congress. His attendance 
was now much less inconvenient than before. It at first 
removed to Lancaster, a place much nearer to his residence 

18 



206 GEORGE TAYLOR, 

than Philadelphia, and then to York, the place of his home ; 
^vhich last removal rendered it peculiarly gratifying to 
Colonel Smith. 

After the confederation had been adopted by congress, the 
treaty of alliance with France concluded, the French fleet 
had arrived on our coast, the British had been compelled to 
leave New Jersey, and had been defeated at Monmouth — the 
face of things brightened ; and Colonel Smith indulging the 
hope that a happy termination of the war was at hand, con- 
cluded to retire, and yield his place to a successor. Accord- 
ingly in November, 1778, he withdrew finally from congress, 
and returned to his family and professional business. But in 
1779 he was once more called from his domestic and profes- 
sional duties, to take a seat in the legislature of Pennsylva. 
nia. This he held, however, but one session, and then with- 
drew from all public business, and applied himself exclusively 
to his private concerns. 

He died on the eleventh day of July, 1806. 

But two of his five children survived him; a son and a 
daughter. The former died a few years after him ; and the 
only surviving daughter is the wife of Mr. James Johnston, 
of York, the place of his own residence. 

GEORGE TAYLOR. 

George Taylor was an Irish redemptioner ; not, how- 
ever, of that low class which the term usually indicates. He 
is said to have been the son of a clergyman in Ireland, and 
born in the year 1716. But of what religious denomination 
liis father was a member, or where established in his minis- 
terial vocation, we have not been able to ascertain. He 
seems, to have been a man of wisdom and sound judgment, 
so far as we are able to form an opinion, from the course he 
took with his son. Being conscious that he must depend 
on himself in gaining a living, since he had no fortune 
to bestow on him, nor to leave him at his death, he adopted 
the wisest course he could pursue for his future prosperity, 
and gave him an education somewhat superior to what was 
usual in that country at that period to be given to those who 
liad to make their way through the world by their own exer. 
tion, and enterprise. 



PENNSYLVANIA. 207 

It was the wish and purpose of his father, that he should be 
t^uahfied for practising one of the professions. ConsuUing 
his talents and the bent of his disposition, as he supposed, his 
father selected the medical profession, as being better suited 
to his genius, and that in which it was believed success was 
apparently the most promising. It is probable, although not 
certain, that George actually entered on the study of medicine. 
But if so, the object does not seem to have been sufficiently 
attractive to his roving and adventurous spirit, to induce him 
to persevere in its pursuit ; and he soon came to a determina- 
tion to quit it, and engage in some other, in which the pros- 
pect of success was more inviting. Whether he had Ame- 
rica, or any other country, particularly in view, as the field 
of his adventures, is not known. It is not improbable, how. 
ever, that he had not, and that his coming to America was 
the result of what is usually termed accident. Being re- 
solved to leave his native shore for some distant region, and 
without feeling very solicitous about any particular country 
to which he should direct his course, hearing of a vessel 
about to sail for New York or Philadelphia, pennyless and 
friendless, he stepped on board, and embarked as a redemp- 
tioner. 

On his arrival in Philadelphia, he providentially met with 
a Mr. Savage, who wanted his services, and who, on con- 
dition of his engaging to labor for him for a term of years, 
paid the expenses Taylor had incurred in coming to Ame- 
rica ; and he immediately accompanied Mr. Savage to Dur- 
ham, a village situated on the Delaware River, a few miles 
below Easton. In Durham, Mr. Savage was improving an 
extensive establishment of iron works, in which he gave em- 
ployment to a number of laborers. " George" was put to 
the business of what, in the appropriate language of such an 
establishment, is called ^^ filling," that is, supplying the fur- 
nace with coal when in the operation of blasting. But the 
blisters soon raised on his hands proved, that it was an em- 
ployment to which he was unused. The fact was noticed by 
the workmen, and by them mentioned to Mr. Savage. He 
soon perceived by the dehcate appearance of George's hands, 
und some other indications he had observed, that his educa- 
lion had been superior to that of the common Irish laborers. 
He had discovered remarkable intelligence in the lad ; and 
believing that he was qualified for an employment of a dif- 
lerent character from that in which he had placed him, with 
ie^liiigs of compassion for him, he asked George if he could 



208 GEORGE TAYLOR, 

not handle a pen better than a shovel ? Young Taylor, with 
great pleasure, changed his employment of " filler" for that 
of a clerk, and conducted with so much intelligence and 
fidelity, that in a short time he rendered himself a very 
important and useful member of the establishment. He 
gained the esteem and confidence of Mr. Savage and his fa- 
mily, in the situation in which he was placed. That situation 
he retained during several years ; and after the death of Mr. 
Savage, which occurred at no very distant period, suitable time 
having elapsed, he married his widow, and thus came into pos- 
session of his business. This he continued to prosecute for 
a number of years ; and conducted it with such industry, 
prudence, and skill, that he acquired a competent fortune. 
What particularly induced him to quit his station in Durham, 
and change his abode, is not known. But he purchased a con- 
siderable estate on the Lehigh, in the county of Northamp- 
ton ; and there he commenced business anew. He erected 
a large stone dwelling house, and some iron works, in which 
he became associated with others who were engaged in 
prosecuting the same business. He took up his residence 
in this new habitation, and continued to occupy it for several 
years. But before he had been long an inhabitant in that 
county, he had become so conspicuous a character, ^nd 
gained the esteem and confidence of the inhabitants of North- 
ampton so far, that they elected him one of their representa- 
lives to the colonial assembly. Thus he was ushered into 
public life, and entered on that theatre on which he was des- 
lined to act a conspicuous part in the great drama of the 
American revolution, and to occupy a station on the page of 
Jiistory that will reach the end of time. This enrolled his 
name among those chivalrous patriots, who, at the risk of 
" their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honors," dared 
to wrest an empire from the grasp of power, wielding against 
ihem a fearfully unequal force, and exalt it to the high stand- 
ing of independence among the nations of the earth. In that 
enviable station on the page of history, with his compatriots, 
from the character of a forlorn Irish redemptioner, he was 
elevated to that of one of the fathers of the republic. 

The estimation in which he was held in the assembly of 
Pennsylvania, may be inferred from the nature and impor- 
lance of the duties intrusted to him and others, in the vari- 
ous committees of which he was a member, to investigate 
and report to that body, for their consideration and decision. 
At the period of his entering upon political affairs, the public 



PENNSYLVANIA. 209 

mind had been universally excited by the proceedings of the 
British parliament, affecting the rights and interests of the Ame- 
rican colonies generally; and that agitation, though mitigated 
by subsequent enactments, was far from being quieted. A 
jealousy had been raised among the colonists, by the claim 
set up by the parent government, in the " Stamp act," of a 
right to tax the colonies without their consent ; and that jea- 
lousy remained, after the repeal of that odious and offensive 
statute, by reason of the claim being still retained. It caused 
a constant vigilance among the provincials, kept their at. 
tontion alive, and constantly directed it to the proceedings of 
the king and parliament, relative to their future measures in 
relation to the colonies. Of this jealousy and fear of ap- 
proaching encroachment on their rights, the people of Penn- 
sylvania partook, in common with the citizens of the other 
provinces. But there were other subjects of great delicacy 
and much importance. There were contested claims between 
the proprietors of the charter and the provincial assembly, 
respecting their powers of government, which continually in- 
terfered; and these at that time remained unsettled. About 
the same time violence had been committed upon the In- 
dians, by some of the white inhabitants of unprincipled and 
dissolute character, in which several of the natives had been 
wantonly murdered ; and the executive of the province had, 
vvith characteristic apathy, suffered the guilty perpetrators to 
remain unpunished, manifesting no disposition to execute the 
laws in avenging their injured neighbors of the forest. This 
unjustifiable conduct on the part of the governor, whose duty 
it was to have arrested, tried, and punished the offenders in 
a due course of law, provoked the hitherto peaceable natives, 
as well as disgusted the men of correct principles in the colony. 
The people also were alarmed for their own safety, which 
had become jeoparded, by reason of the menacing conduct of 
the Indians, who had waited in vain for that justice which 
they rightfully demanded, and had, for a time at least, confi. 
dently expected the government would promptly have ren- 
dered them. 

It was in the year 1764, that Mr. Taylor was first elected 
a representative to the provincial legislative assembly of Penn- 
sylvania, where he was soon distinguished by being appointed 
a member of the committee of grievances. The duties as. 
signed to that committee were highly important, and their 
magnitude was continually increasing. 

18* 



210 GEORGE TAYLOR, 

The important question which greatly agitated the whole 
province at that time, that of altering the charter, and in connec- 
tion with that, the correction of gross abuses which the pro- 
prietary government had been for years introducing, claimed 
the serious investigation of the legislative assembly. In the 
discussions of these several subjects, Mr. Taylor took an ac- 
tive and very decided part. His decision of character, which 
was soon perceived by all, gave him a leading influence in 
that assembly ; and that influence he uniformly exerted on the 
side of the popular interest, and in a steady, but firm opposi- 
tion to every attempt at an assumption of illegal power on the 
part of the government, under whatever covering, or in what- 
ever form it appeared. 

When the speaker of the Pennsylvania assembly laid 
before that body the proposal of the house of representatives 
of the province of Massachusetts Bay, for a general congress 
of delegates from t.ie several colonies, to meet in New York, 
in September, 1765, the proposal was unanimously adopted 
on the same day, on which it was submitted to their considera- 
tion, and the delegates immediately appointed. The com- 
mittee, to whom the duty of drawing up their instructions was 
assigned, included George Taylor as one of its members. 
By whomsoever those instructions were drawn up, they evince 
much wisdom and prudence. 

Mr. Taylor was again chosen a representative for North- 
ampton, in the autumn of 1765 ; and on the meeting of the 
assembly, he was placed on several important committees, 
of which he had been an active and efficient member, in the 
preceding session of the provincial assembly ; and he ably and 
zealously supported all the important subjects which were 
brought before them. 

On their receiving intelligence of the repeal of the " Stamp 
act," the legislative assembly of Pennsylvania appointed 
several of their members to draw up an address of thanks and 
congratulation to the king, expressive of their feelings on that 
occasion. Mr. Taylor was one of that committee. He con- 
tinued a member of that assembly during the five years im- 
mediately following ; and the journals of their proceedings 
exhibit him the same active and influential member, employed 
on the same standing committees, and exerting the same 
influence as formerly. In 1768, he exerted himself in a bold 
manner, to induce the governor to bring to legal trial and 
punishment, the miscreants who had murdered several Indians 
in the vicinity. This duty having been neglected, as has been 



PENNSYLVANIA. 211 

mentioned, by the executive of the province, the legislative 
assembly considered it their incumbent duty to take a special 
notice of the subject. They accordingly appointed several 
of their members to draw up, and present an address to the 
governor, on that occasion, of whom Mr. Taylor was one. 
The address, though very respectful, and couched in hand- 
some language, contains a rebuke of " his excellency," for his 
official delinquency, and the neglect of his incumbent duty, 
which manifested an independence of feeling, and a lirmness 
of resolution, which, however long they might forbear, could 
not be with safety much longer trifled with. If there had not 
existed an infatuation in the minds of the supporters of the 
royal prerogative, it seems as if they must have been per- 
suaded, that measures of conciliation, rather than of exas- 
peration, should have been pursued with a people of such 
a spirit, even for the sake of their own interest and prospe- 
rity. But they blindly pushed onward with a mad obstinacy, 
until when too late, they became convinced of their error. 

Mr. Taylor's private affairs having become somewhat 
deranged, and his fortune impaired, while he was devoting 
his time and attention to the public interest, he found it incum- 
bent on him to reUnquish the latter, and give his attention 
to the former for several years. His success in his new 
estate on the Lehigh, not having answered his expectations, 
he returned again to Durham, the scene of his early prospe- 
rity. During the term of five years of his retirement to pri- 
vate life, he sustained the two offices of presiding judge of 
the county court, of the county where he resided, and colonel 
of the militia. 

In October, 1775, he was again returned a member of the 
provincial assembly. Here again he resumed the same 
elevated standing he had before sustained. He was at once 
placed on all the important standing committees of the house, 
and <Mi several others of importance, which the changes in the 
political condition of the country had rendered necessary. 
Among these, the most important of all, and which was in 
fact the principal revolutionary engine of the government, 
was the committee of safety ; of which he was an active and 
vigilant member. 

In this session, the members of the approachmg congress 
were chosen ; and again Mr. Taylor was appointed with 
others to draw up and report instructions for the delegates. 

The situation of Pennsylvania at that juncture, required the 
exercise of great wisdom and prudence, on the part of their 



212 GEORGE TAYLOR, 

public agents. The province had often received special evi. 
dences of royal favor, which elicited corresponding affection 
and gratitude from the people. Many still retained a hope 
that a reconciliation might be affected, and an open war 
avoided. A large portion of that community, whose religious 
principles coinciding wiih those of the distinguished founder 
of the colony, were opposed to war, and especially a civil war. 
They therefore felt a peculiar reluctance to having any measures 
adopted, which would commit the province to engage in ulti- 
mate hostilities with the parent government. There were 
still a number of men of leading influence in the province, in 
whose breasts glowed a patriotism as pure, and as warm as 
in those of a more bold and daring character. All these fur- 
nished motives of great delicacy and importance, which ope- 
rated powerfully on the minds of those who were already per- 
suaded of the indispensable necessity of coming to a speedy 
decision, relative to renouncing the allegiance of the colonies 
to Great Britain, and rendered the task of drawing up the 
instructions to their delegates in congress, very difficult, and 
highly responsible. 

These instructions were drawn up, and sanctioned by the 
house, in November, 1775, and, among other particulars, 
contained a clause, utterly prohibiting them from concurring 
in any propositions which might lead to, or cause a separation 
of the colony from Great Britain, or change the form of the 
government of Pennsylvania. 

Such was the prevailing state of the public feeling, relative 
to independence, in the autumn of 1775, in Pennsylvania. 
But the time was at hand, which was destined to witness a 
decided revolution of feeling in that province. The disre- 
spect with which the several memorials, remonstrances, and 
appeals of congress had been treated by parliament, under 
the management of the ministry, had been gradually weaken- 
ing their hopes, and confirming their fears respecting the ul. 
timate measures, which their own safety might imperiously 
demand ; thus preparing them, notwithstanding their strong 
reluctance, to give up their opposition, and bring them to ac- 
quiesce cordially in renouncing their allegiance, and in the 
establishment of independence. The winter and spring of 
1776, saw an almost entire change in the sentiments of Penn- 
sylvania. The instructions given to their delegates in con- 
gress, in November, 1775, unqualifiedly forbade them to concur 
in any measure which might lead to, or result in a separa- 
lion. In June, 1776, instructions were issued to them, which 



PENNSYLVANIA. 213 

removed that prohibition, and left them at full liberty to con- 
cur with the delegates from the other colonies in congress, " in 
such measures, including compacts with the other colonies, 
and treaties with foreign states and kingdoms, as shall be 
judged necessary for promoting the liberty, safety, and inte- 
rests of America." 

These sentiments of their representatives harmonized with 
those of the great body of the people ; and the change so great, 
and so sudden, had been wrought by means of the conduct 
of the British government, which convinced them that their 
hopes were vain, and that they had nothing to expect in fu- 
ture from the parent country, to which they had been so 
strongly attached. 

Yet, notwithstanding this decided change in the legislature 
and the people, and notwithstanding the recent instruction? 
given to the delegates in congress, there were several of 
the delegates of Pennsylvania, then in congress, who held 
fast to their opposition ; insomuch, that on a trial of the ques- 
tion by the several colonies, according to the vote of their 
delegates, the voice of Pennsylvania was decided in favor, 
only by the vote of one majority. This was very unplea- 
sant to the legislative body which had issued the recent in- 
struclions ; and they resolved on electing a new delega- 
tion, which became necessary for representing the senti- 
ments of the people truly, and also for securing unanimity 
in the final vote on the great subject of independence. Ac- 
cordingly, on the twentieth of July, the convention of the 
state reappointed Mr. Morton, Doctor Franklin, Robert Mor- 
ris, and Mr. Wilson, who, of the old delegation, were in favor 
of the decisive measure, and supphed the places of the dis- 
sentients, by electing Mr. Taylor, Mr. Ross, Mr. Clymer, 
Doctor Rush, and Mr. Smith ; all of whom were well known 
to have been fully persuaded of its necessity. They were 
chosen by the convention with a full knowledge of their sen- 
timents, and expressly with a view to insure an unanimous 
vote in favor of the independence of the United States. 

Mr. Taylor was now brought into congress, and with his 
entire approbation of the measure which had been determined 
by the vote of congress on the fourth of July, he, with many 
others, set his signature to the declaration of that vote, which 
was not ready for signature until several weeks subsequent to 
the day on which it was passed by congress. The Declara- 
tion of Americaa Independence, now engrossed on the parch- 



214 JAMES WILSON, 

ment roll, received his signature on the second day of Aii. 

gust, 1776. 

Having seen his favorite object, the independence of his 
adopted country, reahzed, and having finished his own 
agency in effecting it ; after remaining about one year in con- 
gress, he withdrew from all public life and employments, and 
settled in Easton, in the vicinity of his estates. Here, after 
spending four years, in attending to his private concerns, he 
closed his life on the twenty-third of February, 1781, at the 
age of sixty-five years. 



-M>*e®o*<'*- 



JAMES WILSON. 

This gentleman, who made a conspicuous figure in Penn- 
sylvania, both in her delegation to congress, and in other pub- 
lie services, during the revolutionary period, was a native of 
Scotland. His father gave him a good classical education, 
and with that, at the age of about twenty one, he embarked 
for America, and arrived in New York. From thence ho 
went to Philadelphia, the beginning of the year 1766. His 
recommendations to gentlemen of eminence in that city, 
were of such a character, that he soon obtained employment as 
a teacher in the Philadelphia College and Academy, under 
the patronage of the Rev. Doctor Richard Peters. He 
formed an intimate friendship whh Mr. Wilson, which con- 
tinned unimpaired to the close of his life. 

But after a ^e\v months he left that employment, and com- 
menced the study of law in the office of Mr. John Dickinson, 
one of the most celebrated barristers of that age in the United 
States. After having passed about two years in his studies, 
he entered on the practice of his profession, and went first to 
Reading, but soon removed to Carhsle in that province. His 
success in the latter place was flattering ; and he there began 
to develope the powers of his mind, and evince the profes- 
sional pre-eminence for which he was distinguished through 
his life. From Carlisle he went to Annapolis in Maryland. 
There he remained but one year, and then removed to Phila- 
delphia, in 1773, and fixed his residence in that city for life. 

Not long after he commenced his professional career, a 
case of great importance was brought into one of the courts, 



PENNSYLVANIA. 215 

between the proprietors of Pennsylvania and a great land- 
dealer. The latter, Mr. Samuel Lawrence, engaged Mr. 
Wilson as one of his counsel. Mr. Beverly Chew, the at- 
torney general, was opposed to him. So favorable was the 
impression which Mr. Wilson made by his plea, on the 
minds of his associate counsel, that they concluded to submit 
the cause without further argument. During the session of 
that court, his reputation as an able lawyer was fully and 
firmly established; and important business flowed in upon 
him at once. 

At the time of his landing in America, he considered this 
as his country, and he became, from that time, an American 
in principle. To this character he firmly, and with entire 
consistency, adhered to the day of his death. He was a 
genuine republican on the principles of General Washington. 

He early enlisted his feelings and efforts in an active op- 
position to the British claims upon the colonies ; and warmly 
and very ably defended their rights, against the designs of the 
ministry. 

A provincial convention for Pennsylvania was called in 

1774, to meet in Philadelphia, of which Mr. Wilson was a 
member for that city. The part he took, and the talents he 
displayed in that assembly, made him extensively known, as 
a gentleman distinguished for political science, and of com- 
manding popular eloquence. In that convention Mr. Dickin- 
son and Mr. Wilson were recommended for delegates to the 
congress. But the influence of Mr. Gallowav, who was 
speaker of the house, and opposed personally to Mr. Dickin- 
son, and politically to both, was sufficient to prevent their 
election at that time. He was, however, chosen in May, 

1775, together with Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Willing, 
and added to the existing Pennsylvania delegation, only about 
eiffht months after the time when a nomination of him could 
not be carried. He was again appointed to the same office 
in November, 1775 ; in Jul}', 1776, when he subscribed to 
ihe Declaration of Independence ; and in March, 1777. 

In September of 1777, a jealousy of his rising reputation, 
and an excited party spirit, had gained such an ascendency 
in their general assembly, that Mr. Clymer and Mr. Wilson 
were superseded and left at home, and others appointed in 
(heir room. This placed him for a time in private life. 

Previous to his being introduced to a seat in the congress, 
and while fie resided in Carlisle, at the commencement of 
military movements, preparatory to the anticipated hostilities, 



216 JAMES WILSON, 

Mr. Wilson was designated for military honors. He was 
chosen colonel of a regiment, to be raised and equipped in 
the county of Cumberland. The public stores and magazines 
in Carlisle were committed to his charge. This, in that sea- 
son of jealousy, showed the confidence reposed in him by 
the public. He was also appointed to the delicate and im- 
portant duty of a commissioner to treat with the Indians ; 
which duty he discharged with success. 

In 1782, he was again brought forward to the honorable 
station from which he had been dropped, by the rivalry and 
opposition of his political adversaries. His talents and 
integrity were too decided, and of too much importance, to be 
long neglected by means so disreputable, and by rivals so 
inferior, in many respects, as were those who supplanted him. 
On the twentieth of November of that year he was elected 
to a seat in congress, and took possession of it early in Janu- 
ary, 17 S3. In the same year he was appointed by the exe- 
cutive council, with several others, an agent and counsellor 
to manage the celebrated controversy of Pennsylvania witli 
Connecticut, respecting the Wyoming lands. To his efforts 
in arguing that great cause, which occupied him several 
days, may be ascribed to a considerable extent, the final set- 
tlement of that long contested and angry claim. 

In the year 1785, he was again returned a representative 
to congress in November, and took his seat in the following 
March. But whether he was in congress serving his state, 
or in private life, attending to his own immediate concerns, 
his talents and character was too conspicuous to be neglected. 
The French minister plenipotentiary, Mr. Gerard, appointed 
him advocate general of the French nation in the United 
States. This was an office of much importance, and required 
a man to fill it eminently learned in national law, and that 
particular part of it which relates to regulating commercial 
intercourse between independent governments. In 1781, the 
king of France confirmed the appointment made by his minis- 
ter. As the United States had but just sprung into a national 
existence, every thing here was new ; and according to the 
existing treaty, the functions of consuls and other officers 
employed in commercial agencies, were to be originated ; 
and this, almost without rule or precedent, from which assist- 
ance could be derived. Mr. Gerard stipulated with Mr. Wil- 
son on his nominating him, that an annual salary was to be 
allowed. Without that Mr. Wilson would have declined the 
offer. But after considerable delay, during which time he 



PENNSYLVANIA. 217 

nad devoted himself to its duties, it pleased the king to sig^ 
nify that it was not his pleasure to sanction that stipulation. 
Consequently Mr. Wilson resigned his office ; not indeed with 
the most agreeable feelings respecting the manner in which 
lie had been treated. 

Duiing his absence from congress, that body were not 
unmindful of his worth. In the latter part of 1781, he re- 
ceived an appointment of director of the bank of North Ame- 
rica, which Robert Morris had instituted to aid in the financial 
concerns of the government, and which was so greatly condu- 
cive to their prosperity. 

While he was in congress, he was considered as one of the 
ablest members of the house, and was singularly happy in the 
manner, as well as persuasive and forcible in the matter of 
his public addresses. His services on important committees, 
were probably more numerous than those of any of his col- 
leagues, during the time he was a member. They would 
occupy too large a space in this essay, were a particular enu- 
meration of them to be inserted. Suffice it to remark, that 
lie was, during the time he was in congress, as appears on 
ihe journals, placed on all the most important committees, and 
on others, both of which in the aggregate, comprised more 
than were allotted to any other member of that house. 

Mr. Wilson was a delegrate to the convention which was 
assembled in 1787, for framing a constitution for the United 
States. He was an active and leading member of that distin- 
guished assembly. On the 23d of July, after much discussion, 
a committee of five members was appointed to report a con- 
stitution, conformably to the proceedings of the convention. 
Mr. Wilson's name stands first on that committee. His signa- 
lure appears to that document. He was a member of the 
state convention which adopted the new constitution, on behalf 
of Pennsylvania. Having successfully exerted himself in 
favor of its adoption, it was resolved to celebrate the event 
with tokens of rejoicing, as being highly auspicious to the 
best interests of the whole country. Mr. Wilson was se- 
lected by his fellow citizens, to deliver an oration on that 
occasion. 

After the adoption of the federal constitution by that state, 
a convention was called for altering the constitution of Penn- 
sylvania. Mr. Wilson was returned a member of this con- 
vention also. 

After the new government had been so far organized, as to 
elect a president of the United States, and to hold the first 

19 



-J. 



218 JAMES WILSON, 

session of congress under it, it became the duty of General 
Washington to form the national judiciary, under the new 
constitution. In performing this duty, Mr. Wilson was nomi- 
nated by the president one of the judges of the highest court 
of the nation. That nomination having been sanctioned by 
the senate, he accepted the appointment, and held the office 
to the end of his Hfe. 

In 1790, after a law professorship had been established in 
the college of Philadelphia, Mr. Wilson was appointed the 
first professor; and in 1792, when the college of Philadel- 
phia and university of Pennsylvania were united, a profes- 
sorship of a similar kind was established in that seminary, and 
he was appointed to fill it. 

In 1791, he was unanimously appointed by the house of 
representatives of the state, to revise and digest the statutes 
of the state. But after some delay, during which he had 
made considerable progress in executing the task, the senate 
refusing to concur with the house in sanctioning the object 
for which the appointment had been made by the house of 
representatives, the business was suspended, and never 
finished. 

While he practised as a lawyer, he was confessedly at the 
head of the Philadelphia bar ; and his business was extensive, 
and secured him an engagement in almost all the important 
causes brought into the court. His reputation as an advocate 
was not surpassed, perhaps not equalled, by any of the able 
barristers, who were practitioners at the Pennsylvania bar. 

He was twice married. His first wife was a daughter of 
William Bird, Esq. of Bucks county. They were married in 
1771, or 1772 ; their offspring were six children. She died 
in April, 1786. He afterwards married Miss Hannah Gray 
of Boston, by whom he had one child, which died in infancy. 

In nOS, while on a judicial circuit in North Carolina, he 
was attacked with a severe paroxism of strangury, at the house 
of his friend and colleague. Judge Iredell, in Edenton ; where 
he closed his eventful life, at about the age of fifty-six years. 



PENNSLVANIA. 219 



GEORGE ROSS. 

This gentleman, who was born in New Castle, in the state 
of Delaware, in the year 1730, was the son of the Reve- 
rend George Ross, a respectable clergyman, and minister of 
the episcopal church in that town. 

Mr. Ross, from a personal knowledge of the advantages of 
a liberal education, and discovering a favorable disposition, 
us well as promising talents in his son, resolved on giving him 
all its advantages. He consequently commenced a course of 
instruction with him early in life, and pursued it with faithful 
care and assiduity, till he had accomplished his object. He 
became an uncommon proficient in the ancient languages. 
And at the age of eighteen, he commenced the study of law. 
under the instruction of an elder brother, then a member of 
the Philadelphia bar in good reputation. In due time he was 
admitted to the bar, and fixed his residence in Lancaster, 
which was at that time (1751) on the western hmitsof Euro- 
pean settlements in Pennsylvania. There he gave his atten- 
tion assiduously to the duties of his profession, and soon es- 
tablished a reputation, which secured him an increasing and 
lucrative business. He was also appointed to the office of 
procurator to the king, which was considered an honorable 
place, and one to which those only were appointed in the co- 
lonies, who were esteemed as distinguished in the profession 
of law. 

Early after Mr. Ross settled in Lancaster, he connected 
himself by marriage with Miss Ann Lawler, a lady of very 
respectable connections. 

The first account of his appearance in public life, is in 
1768, when he was chosen a member for Lancaster, to re- 
present that town in the legislature of Pennsylvania. He was 
afterwards repeatedly rechosen to represent that town ; and 
uniformly so conducted as to receive the approbation of his 
constituents, and the confidence and respect of his colleagues. 

He possessed a benevolent disposition, which he was fre- 
quently called on to exercise in behalf of the Indians. For, 
although the system adopted by Mr. Penn was generally pur- 
sued with them, so as to obtain and secure their confidence, 
by an uniform course of honesty and sincerity, yet there 
were some who were unwilling to deviate from it, and to 
deceive and defraud that simple people. Mr. Ross uniformly 



220 GEORGE ROSS, 

espoused and vindicated the cause of the Indians, and from 
principle acted as their protector. The disposition to depart 
from the system of William Penn, was not confined to people 
of the lower class, with whom it might have been expected ; but 
some of the governors of the province were at times willing 
to interfere in the concerns of the Indians ; and when they did 
they generally excited feelings which they intended to pre- 
vent, or allay. 

Like the patriots of that day, he had his attention early 
excited, and steadily fixed on the measures of the English 
government, which were the beginning of the course they 
intended to pursue, with reference to the American colonies. 
He saw their tendency to subject the colonists to a state of 
oppression and vassalage, which he considered unjust ; and 
which, if not withstood, would deprive them of some, if not 
all of their dearest rights and privileges, as free subjects of 
the British empire. Hence, when the spirit of opposition was 
roused in other colonies, and a proposal was made to assem- 
ble a convention of delegates from the several provinces, to 
meet in Philadelphia, and consult on the general interests of 
the whole, and agree upon proper measures to be pursued for 
their preservation from tyranny and oppression, he hailed the 
event as an omen for good, and promoted it with all his in- 
fluence and exertions. 

In the month of July, next after the proposals had been 
received by the assembly of Pennsylvania, to convene a con- 
gress from the several colonies, which had been communicated 
from Virginia, Massachusetts, and other provinces ; the 
assembly unanimously resolved to appoint a committee of 
seven members on the part of Pennsylvania, to meet in the 
proposed congress in September following. Mr. Ross was 
chosen one of these members ; the time when, and place 
where the congress was to meet, were not then determined ; 
but as is well known, it did meet in Philadelphia on the 5th day 
of September, 1774. Mr. Ross was directed by the assembly 
which elected him to that delegation, to draw up the instruc- 
tions by which he and his colleagues were to regulate their 
conduct when assembled. 

From the 5th of September, 1774, when Mr. Ross took his 
seat in congress, he continued a member of that body by 
repeated elections, until January, 1777, when indisposition of 
body rendered it expedient for him to retire ; this permission 
he asked for and obtained, and he then left congress. His 
coi;tduct while a member, so fully met the approbation of his 



PENNSYLVANIA. 221 

constituents, that they passed a resolution forthwith to trans- 
mit the sum of one hundred and fitty pounds out of the stock 
of Lancaster county, as a testimony of their sense of the 
manner in which he had discharged his duty in congress ; 
and that he be requested to accept of it, as a testimony of their 
approbation, and in part compensation for the sacrifices he 
had made, by neglecting his own private business, that he 
might attend to that of the public. This gratuity so honorably 
proffered by them, bearing with it a testimony so honorable 
to himself, he declined in a manner expressive of his own 
patriotic feehngs. 

Mr. Ross continued to be chosen to represent his constitu- 
ents of Lancaster in the Pennsylvania legislature, during the 
period he served as a delegate in congress ; no existing law at 
that time rendering the two offices incompatible. He was 
among the early leaders in that provincial legislative assem- 
bly; and forward, if not foremost, in proposing measures for the 
d- fence and protection of the community against the inju- 
ries they might sustain from an invasion by a British force. 
This it was apprehended might take place so early as 1775, 
and he was active on special committees of that assembly, 
in providing the requisite means for repelling it ; and for 
devising ways and means, generally for procuring arms and 
munitions of war, that they might be in readiness against the 
time when they might be wanted. 

They indeed generally adopted measures to be prepared 
against the anticipated event of open hostilities with the mother 
country, similar to those adopted and prosecuted in the other 
colonies. All these received Mr. Ross's entire and cordial 
approbation, and his zealous co-operation, in maturing them, 
and carrying them into effect. Whether in congress, or in 
the provincial legislature, or the convention which was orga- 
nized after that was done away ; whether acting on commit- 
tees, or in an individual capacity, or in his professional cha- 
racter, as an advocate for the oppressed, or a friend to the 
Indians in that province, Mr. Ross every where appeared the 
same ; and uniformly exhibiting the character of an intelligent 
decided patriot, the able and liberal politician, the fearless and 
upright advocate of the persecuted and oppressed. In the last 
character he ranked high among that class of men of brilliant 
talents, in which were included the names of Biddle, Wilson, 
and Serjeant, comprising a constellation of legal talent, which 
could scarcely have been exceeded in any other province on 
the continent. 

19* 



222 C^SAR RODNEY, 

At the period now unde/ review, several persons werr 
prosecuted for a supposed adherence to the British ; and the 
excitement was so great against engaging in their defence, 
that it was feared it might be attended with some hazard from 
an exasperated populace. But this apprehended peril caused 
no intimidation in the minds of the independent and upright 
bar of Pennsylvania ; and Mr. Ross and Mr. Wilson in par- 
ticular, fearlessly engaged in their defence, and acquitted 
themselves in the performance of the duty they had under- 
taken, in a manner highly creditable to their professional 
talents, independence, and benevolence. 

In April, 1779, he received the commission of judge of the 
court of admiralty for Pennsylvania. He was suffered, how- 
ever, to discharge the duties of that office but a short time : 
for in July following the appointment, his useful life was ter- 
minated by a violent attack of the gout. 



DEIiAlVARE. 

CiESAR RODNEY. 

The grandfather of this gentleman came from England to 
Pennsylvania, soon after William Penn had commenced the 
settlement of that province. He resided in Philadelphia a 
short time and then went and planted himself in the county 
of Kent, in what is now the state of Delavvare. He appears 
to have been a very popular man in that region, and dis- 
charged with fidelity the duties of several posts of honor and 
distinction. His youngest son, Caesar, by reason of his other 
children having died without heirs, inherited nearly the 
whole property of his father ; which was then considered a 
handsome fortune. He declined all public official employ- 
ment, preferring the quiet tranquillity of private life, to the 
troubles and intrigues, which too generally are connected 
with a public station. He had the offer of several of the 
principal offices of the province ; but adhering to his prefe- 
rence, he declined them all. He married a daughter of Mr, 



DELAWARE. 223 

Thomas Crawfoird, a preacher of the gospel, said to have 
been the first who made his appearance as a minister in that, 
region. These were the worthy parents of Caesar Rodney, 
whose signature is affixed to the parchment on which is en- 
rolled the Declaration of American Independence. 

Caesar Rodney was born in Dover, now the state of Dela- 
ware, about 1730. He inherited all the landed property, 
according to the then existing law of entailment, as the male 
heir ; and the popularity which had been enjoyed by his pre- 
decessors, seems to have descended to him, as an appendage 
to the name and the estate. In 1758, when he was but 
twenty-eight years old, he was appomted high sheriff of the 
county of Kent. The term of office having expired, he was 
commissioned as a justice of the peace, and constituted a 
judge of all the inferior courts of the county. 

It cannot be ascertained precisely, at what period he en- 
tered into public life as a legislator ; because no records of 
the journal of proceedings of the legislature, in Delaware 
province were preserved of an earlier date than 1762. In 
the autumn of that year, however, he appeared as a represen- 
tative for the county of Kent. He either had been a mem- 
ber previous to that year, or his character had become so 
distinguished before he had a seat in that bod)'^, that he took 
the lead in their deliberations, and most important public 
measures. He was selected as a colleague with Mr. M'Kean 
to transact important business with the governor, as an agent 
of the assembly. 

About this time appeared the " Stamp act," and some other 
obnoxious measures of the British parliament, in this country, 
which excited much alarm among the inhabitants of the 
colonies, and a spirit of opposition, founded on a firm belief 
of their unconstitutional character. This spirit was felt to 
a considerable extent, in the three counties which now con- 
stitute the state of Delaware. 

The legislature had adjourned, to meet again in September, 
1763, but before that time arrived, there was a meeting of 
the members of the assembly, who proceeded to appoint dele- 
gates to attend a congress to be convened in New York, to 
consult with delegates from other provinces, who were to 
assemble there on the most eligible course to pursue, for 
avoiding the evils with which the colonies were threatened ; 
and for protecting their rights and privileges as subjects of 
the British empire. For that important and honorable mis- 
sion, Mr. Rodney, Mr. M'Kean, and Mr. Kollock, the speaker 



224 CAESAR RODNEY, 

of the house, were chosen by an unanimous vote, by the 
assembly. 

They received expHcit instructions for regulating their pro- 
ceedings m that congress ; and having attended to the duties 
of their appointment, and returned when the legislature was 
again convened, they made a full report of their proceedings, 
and received the unanimous thanks of the house, and a libe- 
ral compensation for their services. From this time to the 
close of the revolutionary war, Mr. Rodney, Mr. M'Kean, 
and Mr. George Read, were among the most active, leading, 
and influential characters, who espoused the cause of the 
colonies in opposition to the British usurpations in Delaware. 
Mr. Rodney was a member of the legislature of Delaware for 
several years, and always a leading and active one, in de- 
vising and advocating measures of public interest. He was 
even early opposed to the slave trade, and introduced an 
amending clause to a bill before the house, for the further 
and better regulation of slaves, and to entirely prohibit the fur- 
ther importation of them into the colony. Although it wab 
rejected, it was lost only by a majority of two. 

The local situation of Delaware, being accessible by water 
through its whole extent, exposed the inhabitants to continual 
invasions by the enemy ; which was one influential cause of a 
division of sentiment respecting proper measures to be pur- 
sued by the government. Another was an ardent attach- 
ment of many of the people to the mother country, from 
which they were unwilling to be separated. Others stilS 
thought that a Declaration of Independence would b*^ piema- 
ture, and they still indulged a hope that the diflferences might 
be amicably settled, and the liberty of the colonies preserved. 
From these, and perhaps some other causes, there existed 
such a division among the people, that those patriots to whom 
the leading management of their public affairs was entrusted, 
had to encounter many difficulties, by which their efforts for 
the general good were greatly impeded ; and at times almost 
paralyzed. They however persevered, and had the satisfac- 
tion in the end to see the cause triumph, and the object for 
which they contended, and in obtaining which they made such 
great sacrifices, in common with their countrymen generally^ 
secured by an acknowledgment of their independence on the 
part of the contending power. 

He was appointed by the provincial assembly in Delaware, 
on one of the committees who were from time to time, to 
draw up petitions and remonstrances to the king and parlia^ 



DELAWARE. 225 

inent of Great Britain, relative to the grievances complained 
of hy the colonists, and subsequently to correspond with the 
friends of American interests in other provinces. In all of 
these, his zealous and undeviating attachment to the privile- 
ges and liberty of his country, and his determination to main- 
tain them to the uttermost, are clearly manifested. 

Mr. Rodney was laboring for some years under the slow, 
but uhimately fatal effects of a cancer in his cheek ; which at 
length, so much impaired his health, as to compel him to 
withdraw from public employment, and resort to Philadelphia 
for medical aid. He even had it in contemplation at one time, 
to cross the Atlantic, for the same purpose, if he failed of sue- 
cess in Philadelphia. Although he procured only partial 
relief there, he was prevented from proceeding to Europe, 
by the threatening aspect of the times. 

He was a member of the provincial assembly in 17G9, and 
chosen speaker. He held that office during several of the 
succeeding years. He was also appointed chairman of the 
€ommittee of correspondence, and in that station he kept up 
a constant correspondence with distinguished gentlemen in 
the other provinces. That correspondence, which was car- 
ried on in all the colonies, by an interchange of views, and 
mutual communication of intelligence, tended to promote a 
harmony of feeling, and a union of purpose, through the 
country, which was essential for the success of their cause. 
To obviate jealousies, to quell insurrectionary movements, 
to rouse the feelings of the languid, and to encourage the 
fearful, though true friends to th« American cause, Mr. Rod- 
ney labored industriously, and with considerable success^ 
among the inhabitants of Delaware. 

On the first day of August, 1774, a convention of delegates 
from the three counties, convened by a circular which he ad= 
dressed to them, as speaker of the house of assembly, met in 
New Castle, to determine what measures they should adopt, 
on behalf of their province, in relation to the existing state of 
the country, and to consult and decide respecting calling a 
general congress of delegates from all the colonies. He was 
unanimously appointed chairman of that meeting. After they 
iiad resolv d that such a measure was demanded by the state 
and circumstances of the colonies. He, together with Thomas 
M'Kean, and George Read, Esquires, were appointed dele- 
gates for Delaware to the first continental congress, which 
met in Philadelphia, on the first Monday of September follow- 
ing. He took his seat in that body on the fifth day of thai 



226 CESAR RODNEY, 

month, and the next day was placed on the grand committee 
of that body, whose duty it was to state what were the rights 
of the colonies, and to enumerate the instances in which 
those rights had been invaded, and violated, by the English 
government. 

The same meeting which appointed him and his colleagues 
delegates to that congress, furnished them with instructions, 
by which they were to regulate their conduct in that assembl)^ 
And when they reported their proceedings on their return, 
the assembly passed an unanimous vote, approving entirely 
of all that they had done. In confirmation of their approba- 
tion, on the day following, they again elected them represen- 
tatives to the succeeding congress. During his absence, 
under this second election, the legislature appointed him a 
brigadier general of the province. He now sustained high of- 
lices in both civil and military life ; in the latter of which, he 
was in a short time called to active service, in defence of 
his invaded country. The urgency of public business at that 
time, was peculiarly pressing. Owing to some private con- 
cerns which required his attention, he had obtained leave oi 
absence for a short time, and had returned home for the pur- 
pose of adjusting them. But he had scarcely arrived at his 
residence, when he was summoned back, on account of some 
highly important business which was depending, and for the 
accomplishment of which it was deemed essential to have as 
iLill a delegation present as possible. The business before 
congress at that time, so urgent as to require his immediate 
return, was undoubtedly that which preceded, and prepared 
the way for deciding the great question of independence. 

The situation of Delaware, the inhabitants being much di- 
vided in sentiment on the great political measures of the coun- 
try, demanded Mr. Rodney's presence, both at home and in. 
congress. He was wanted at home, to superintend and ar- 
range the military department, and the measures of defence 
required for the security of the state. He was, therefore, 
necessarily absent from his seat at different times, to attend 
to the discharge of his military duties. But at the time 
of taking the vote on the question of independence, he was 
in his seat, and gave it his cordial sanction. He immedi- 
ately after returned to his constituents ; and they having 
heard the communication of what congress had done, ap- 
proved of it by acclamation. Probably few men have been 
more highly popular at any time, and in any community, than 
General Rodney. Yet, notwithstanding this, he was soon to 



DELAWARE. 227 

experience the instability of all such favor, and the versatility 
of popular opinion. 

In the autumn of 1776, the people of Delaware called a 
convention, to frame a constitution of government for the 
state, and to elect delegates to the next congress. On this 
occasion, by an union of the tories who were numerous in the 
state, and of various other parties, they contrived to secure a 
majority against his re-election, and left him out of congress, 
together with Mr. M'Kean. He, however, still retained the 
office in the committee of safety, and the committee of inspec- 
tion. The duties connected with these, he could attend to, 
while superintending his own private concerns. The latter 
had suffered much by his want of care during his absence ; 
and the act of the convention, by which he was superseded, 
leit him at leisure to pay the attention to them wliich they 
required. 

Colonel Haslet, who belonged to General Rodney's bri- 
gade, had gone to New Jersey, with some of the Delaware 
troops, and fell in the battle at Princeton. After his death, 
General Rodney concluded it would aid the cause, and espe- 
cially prove some consolation to the men of his command, 
if he were to be present with them in New Jersey. Being 
sincerely engaged in promoting the cause, and ever ready to 
render his aid where it might be most beneficial, he repaired 
!o the late scene of action, to afford all the relief and comfort 
in his power to the suffering troops of Delaware, then in ac- 
tual service. On his way to New Jersey, he saw Lord Stir- 
ling in Philadelphia, VT'ho ordered him to remain at Princeton 
for the purpose of forwarding the troops to the army, as fast 
as they arrived there on their way. 

He remained there with the army, about two months, 
and was very actively engaged in those services which de- 
volved on him, as a brigadier general ; and even after the 
term of enlistment of the Delaware troops had expired, he 
offered to continue with the army, and render any services 
which the commander in chief might be pleased to assign to 
him. But situated as the army then was, General Washing, 
ton, in a letter highly complimentary and honorable, in reply 
to his offer, deeming his presence not then necessary, per- 
mitted him to return to his family. 

Soon after he reached liome, he was appointed a judge of 
the supreme court, which had just then been organized, un- 
der the new state constitution. But preferring his military 
command, for the present at least, he declined accepting that 



228 C^SAR RODNEY, 

office. This appointment, as it showed that ne had not lost 
the esteem and confidence of the public, must have been 
grateful to his feelings ; and that he had not, was soon evinced 
in a manner still more conclusive and gratifying. 

There was an insurrection in the county of Sussex, in 
which many who had been hostile to his election resided ; 
and they feeling the need of his assistance to quell it, issued 
an order for him to proceed thither, with an armed force suf- 
ficient for the purpose. This order he promptly obeyed, and 
succeeded in restoring order and harmony, for a time, at 
least, in that agitated and disaffected portion of the state. 

Shortly after this was done, the British army landed on the 
shore of the Chesapeake Bay, intending to march to Phila- 
delphia. General Washington having taken up a position in 
the northern part of Delaware, with the intention of opposing 
their progress, was in want of aid. General Rodney col- 
lected all the forces he could gather in the county of Kent,, 
and marched immediately to his assistance ; and took his 
station south of the main army, by direction of the commander 
in chief, with a view, if possible, to get between the enemy 
and his shipping, while he was watching his motions. The 
service in which he was then engaged, was impeded very 
much, and rendered almost abortive, by the misconduct of 
the militia. They came out in the morning, and took the 
liberty to return to their homes before sunset. 

Not long after the close of that expedition, the political 
affairs of Delaware having experienced a considerable 
change, General Rodney was again called to take his seat in 
congress. But still there were too many men of influence, 
who continued cold and backward in promoting the plans of 
the general government ; and he deemed it best for him to 
remain in the state, until the legislature finished its session. 
He hoped some important improvements might result from 
the proceedings of that assembly, which he trusted would 
be benefited by his presence at home. While he was thus 
waiting, and within the time he proposed to remain, he was 
chosen president of the state. The office he knew was dif- 
ficult and arduous. But he thought his duty called him to 
accept it, with the hope that he might be more useful to the 
country ; and such was his patriotism, that he always made 
his own interest and private inclination give place to a con- 
viction that the public interest required the sacrifice. 

He held the office of president of Delaware about four 



DELAWARE. 229 

years, and was perpetually harassed and vexed by the con- 
duct of the inhabitants. Their exposure to the incursions of 
the enemy, which, owing to their peninsular situation, oc- 
curred almost daily, the pressing demands continually made on 
them for supplies of various kinds for the army, and their 
nearly exhausted condition, must plead much in their behalf. 
The resources of the country were greatly diminished, and 
the demands on them were perpetually increasing, without 
any immediate prospect of a termination. These calls were 
so imperative, that they involved the alarming alternative of 
submitting to an incensed enemy, or keepmg together an 
army, so hard pressed with hunger and nakedness, that it 
was on the eve of disbanding. During his presidency, he 
made every possible exertion to procure aid in support of the 
general cause ; and in some degree, tnough tar short of his 
wishes, he succeeded in increasing the strength and augment- 
ing the resources of the general government. His cancer, 
during this period, was making a slow but steady progress ia 
impairing his health, and undermining his constitution. In 
this situation, he resolved to relinquish public employment, 
and retire to the tranquillity of private life. He was twice 
afterwards elected to congress ; but he never took his seat. 
The increasing ravages of his disease, which had afflicted 
him from his youth, had wrought such a change in his ge- 
neral health, as in connection with the fatigues of public 
employment, long continued, and attended with many trying 
and perplexing occurrences, determined him to retire to the 
enjoyment of domestic quiet. His situation imperiously de- 
manded it. He was the subject of a disease, for which it is 
hitherto acknowledged, there is no certain remedy. Con- 
scious that he was gradually wasting awav, he needed entire 
abstraction from the bustle of public life, that he might be 
prepared to leave the world in peace. 

He is supposed to have died early in the year 1783 ; but 
the exact date of his decease we have not the means of 
ascertaining. He was but fifty -three yeais old at the time 
of his death. 

General Rodney was, in his political principles, a firm> 
consistent, uniform whig. Though fully persuaded of the 
entire correctness of his o^\'n views, he was not possessed of 
that inexorable, persecuting spirit towards others, who dif- 
fered from him, which actuated not a few in the country, 
even to extermination, if thev could get them mthin their 

20 



230 CiESAR RODNEY, 

power. One instance, in which his character was illustrated, 
in an amiable point of Ught, we take the hberty to introduce. 

While he was governor of Delaware, a gentleman of Do- 
ver, who before the war had been popular, and highly re- 
spectable, had so exasperated the patriotic inhabitants, by 
some imprudent acts of his, in favor of the royal cause, that 
they had determined to arrest him for high treason. The 
consequences of such a measure, at a time of high party ex- 
citement, and under such circumstances as then existed, 
particularly in Delaware, may be easily inferred. The gen- 
tleman's life would, in all probability, nave been offered up a 
sacrifice to an indignant population. Governor Rodney well 
understood the violence of a mob ; and, although he con- 
sidered the man as having done much amiss, he sent imme- 
diately to him, so soon as he had learned what was in con> 
templation, and had him brought to his own house. This 
was in the evening before the arrest was to have taken place, 
and at a time when escape had became impracticable. In 
the morning the mob collected to execute their purpose, 
and found the object of their rage had withdrawn. On learn- 
ing where he was, they rushed, in a tumultuous manner, to 
the governor's residence, and demanded their victim. The 
governor met tliem with a calm spirit, and acknowledged 
that he had been very imprudent, and had done what was 
imjustifiable, yet he had surrendered himself into the hands 
of the chief magistrate ; that he had become answerable for 
his appearance, and would see that justice was done to all. 
This address of the governor so far pacified the mob, that 
reposing confidence in his decision, they retired ; and the 
gentleman, thus protected,, learning wisdom from the occur- 
rence, conducted more prudently afterwards, and escaped 
with his life. 

General Rodney possessed a fund of wit and sarcasm, 
which he sometimes indulged, in a way of pleasantry, with 
much effect. 

Mr. Rodney possessed one peculiarit}'^, which has been 
known to exist in others ; but is believed not very common. 
He chose always to shun scenes of sorrow ; and consequently 
avoided approaching the death bed of his most intimate 
friends. This seems to have been constitutional. 

From the operation of local causes, his popularity was, for 
a season, in a waning condition. But, by pursuing an uni- 
form course, of entire consistency between avowed principle 



DELAWARE 231 

and conduct, he rose above the temporary depression, into 
which his enemies had cast him ; and the termination of his 
life was lamented, and his memory was cherished, with re- 
spect and gratitude, by his survivors generally in the state 
where he lived, and in whose service he patriotically spent 
his life. 



Qq* 



GEORGE READ. 

This gentleman was of Irish parentage. His grandfather 
was a man of wealth, who resided in Dublin, in Ireland. 
One of his sons, whose name was John, left the place of his 
nativity, emigrated to America, and settled in Cecil county, in 
the province of Maryland, where he became a respectable 
planter. But not long after the birth of George, his eldest 
son, he removed from Maryland, and fixed his residence in the 
adjoining province of Delaware, on the head waters of Chris- 
tiana River. George's birth was in the year 1734 ; and he 
was the oldest of six brothers. 

The fact has been more than once noticed in the course 
of these memoirs, that respectable classic schools were few 
in number, in the southern part of what is now the United 
States, in the first half of the eighteenth century. Such was 
the fact, when young Read was of a suitable age to commence 
the education which his parents intended to give him. The 
most respectable seminary, nearest to Mr. Read's resi- 
dence, was at Chester, in Pennsylvania. In thnt his parents 
placed him for a time ; and there he prosecuted the study of 
the learned languages, in which he made reputable pro- 
gress, for the time he remained at that school. At no very 
distant period, however, his father, judging that it would be 
more conducive to the advantage of his son, removed him 
from Chester, and put him under the care of the Reverend 
Doctor Allison, of New London, in the same province. He 
had the reputation of possessing, in an eminent degree, the 
qualifications for instructing youth, and carefully watching 
over their characters and conduct, much to their future 
advantage. 

In proof of the correctness of this remark, it will be suf- 
ficient to state^ that Charles Thompson, the venerable secre- 



232 GEORGE READ, 

tary of the old congress, Hugh Williamgon, a memDer ot that 
memorable body of statesmen, and Doctor Ewing, provost of 
Pennsylvania university, were pupils of Doctor Allison, and 
fellow students with Mr. Read. This gentleman continued 
imder the care of Doctor Allison, till his seventeenth year, and 
Ihen commenced the study of law, under the instruction of 
John Moland, Esq. an eminent barrister, in Philadelphia. 

The want of extensive libraries, in any of the professions, 
in this country, at that early period, was realized as an im- 
pediment in the progress of young men, in their way of ac- 
quiring scientific eminence, except in a comparative view. 
Mr. Read, in common with others, experienced this incon- 
venience. But, in the use of the means at his command, he 
was diligent and assiduous. The proofs of this fact were 
evinced in his own extensive library, after he had been in 
business a number of years. 

He possessed the confidence of his instructor, before he 
was through with his preparatory course, to such an extent, 
that he entrusted his docket, and committed his attorney's 
business to his management almost exclusively. 

Mr. Read was admitted to the bar at the early age of 
nineteen years. 

By the laws then existing, where his father's property was 
situated, Mr. Read, being the eldest son, was eniitled to 
two shares of his father's estate. The following fact may 
serve to give the reader a correct estimate of the moral cor- 
rectness of his character, and the generosity of his feelings at 
an early period of his life. Immediately on his admission to 
the bar as a practising lawyer, he voluntarily released by 
deed all the legal right he had to the estate of his father, in 
behalf of his other children, alleging as his reason for it, 
ihat he had received the full amount of his share in the 
expenses incurred for procuring his education. His sense of 
uprightness influenced him to that act, as he often said it 
would be a virtual fraud upon the other heirs if he did not do it. 

He settled in the county of Newcastle, in Delaware, in 
1754, and commenced practising law there and in some of 
the adjacent counties in Maryland. He had to enter the race 
amid competitors of high professional and intellectual repu- 
tation ; but he soon obtained a full practice, and at the end of 
nine years from his commencing business, he succeeded John 
Ross as attorney general for the three lower counties on De- 
laware, an office which had till that time, been filled by the 
attorney general of Pennsylvania. He retained that office 



DELAWARE. 233 

till he was elected a delegate to congress in 1774. He then 
resigned it, alleging as his reason tor doing so, that a dis- 
charge of his duties in congress, was incompatible with 
retaining and discharging the duties of an office held under 
the authority of his Britannic majesty. 

In the year 1763, he was united by marriage to a lady of" 
a well cultivated mind, superior understanding, and exemplary 
piety. She was a daughter of the Reverend George Ross, who 
had been pastor of a church in the town of Newcastle, for 
half a century. 

When the contest between Great Britain and her colonies 
commenced, in 176.5, Mr. Read held an office under the crown. 
He was a man of extensive influence, and lie well knew what 
advantages availed him if he espoused the royal cause, on 
the one hand, and the dangers and hardships, if he took part 
with those who opposed the royal claims, on the other. 
He nevertheless espoused the cause of his country ; his patri- 
otism and integrity, would not sutTer him to consult his own 
personal interest, at the expense of his country's rights. In 
the month of October of this year, he was one of the repre- 
sentatives of Newcastle county, in the general assembly of 
Delaware ; and he was continued a member durino- the twelve 
following years. He was a member of the committees ap- 
pointed by that assembly, for reporting various addresses to 
the king of Great Britain, in favor and on behalf of the peo- 
ple of that province. 

About that period the " Stamp act" was repealed ; but tlie 
preamble to the repealing act contained sentiments, which 
showed that the ministers did not relinquish their favorite 
plan of taxing the colonists, without their being represented 
in the parliament ; their hopes of relief had been excited some- 
what by the repeal of that odious act. But the fears which 
the preamble had excited, were soon after painfully verified 
by another act of parliament, by which a duty was imposed 
on tea, paper, painter's colors, and glass, to be paid by the 
colonists. The feeling of resistance was now kindling fast, 
and becoming e?.tensively diffiised. The nonimportation 
agreement was entered into in the adjoining provinces of Ma- 
ryland and Pennsylvania ; and Mr. Read, fully approving of 
the measure, labored arduously to induce the people of 
Delaware to come cordially into it. For this purpose, he 
drew up and distributed a circular address among the peo- 
ple. In that attempt he was entirely successful. In fact, in 
all the measures pursued and systems adopted, to render 



234 GEORGE READ, 

British influence unpopular, and for opposing ministerial en- 
croachments on the rights of the colonists, Mr. Read was 
an able adviser, and a leading man. After the British govern- 
ment had manitested their resentment against the citizens of 
Boston, in Massachusetts, for their supposed concurrence in 
destroying the tea, by passing the act called " the Boston port 
bill ;" contributions were made through the country, for 
affording relief to the suffering inhabitants of that town. For 
that purpose a subscription was set on foot in the county of 
Newcastle, and Mr. Read was appointed by the citizens, one 
of a large committee for circulating it. He was subsequently 
designated, with Nicholas Van Dyke, Esq. to receive and 
transmit the amount of the subscriptions to the receiving com- 
mittee in Boston. These duties were performed with prompti- 
tude and fidelity. 

In August, 1774, Mr. Read, together with Caesar Rodney 
and Thomas M'Kean, Esq's, was appointed by the general 
assembly of Delaware, delegates to the continental congress, 
which was to meet the month following in Philadelphia. From 
that time to the close of the revolution, he continued to repre- 
sent Delaware in the general congress, with a short interval 
only excepted. Governor M'Kinley, the president of the pro- 
vince, having been taken a prisoner by the British, Mr. Read 
being at that time vice president, was called ex-officio b)'^ that 
event, to perform the duty of president for a short season. 
But notwithstanding his attention to his duties in congressj 
(which were important and arduous at all times, but pre-emi- 
nently so, when the subject of independence was brought 
forward for discussion,) Mr. Read was required to discharge 
duties highly momentous and interesting to his own state. 
Whenever he could avail himself of a short absence from 
congress, he hurried to Delaware, to exert his influence and 
talents for advancing the common cause among his fellow 
citizens, in every way in which he might be useful. While 
at home he would act m the committee of safety, or shoulder 
his musket and march with the militia to attack the enemy, 
or to repel their invasions ; and in congress, he would act with 
that august body in procuring and establishing the liberties 
of the American states as an independent nation. 

After Mr. Read had signed the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence, in the year 1776, and a short time after the decisive 
act was consummated, Joseph Galloway, Esq. observed to 
him, " that he had signed the declaration with a halter about 
his neck." Mr. Read's reply shows his view of the measure. 



DELAWARE. 235 

and his determined resolution to discharge what he considered 
as his duty at all hazards. He said in reply, " It was a mea- 
sure demanded by the crisis, and he was prepared to meet 
any consequences that might ensue." 

Mr. Read was president of the convention which formed 
the tirst constitution of Delaware. That convention met in 
1776. 

When President M'Kiniey was made a prisoner, soon after 
the battle of Brandywine, Mr. Read was in Philadelphia with 
his family. That event rendered it necessary for him to re- 
turn to Delaware, and the accomplishment of the effort was 
attended with great and imminent hazard. The enemy occu- 
pied the west bank of the Delaware River, so as to command 
every way of passing into the peninsula. He was necessita- 
ted therefore, to take the New Jersey shore, and run the risk 
of crossing the river, and elude, if practicable, the vigilance 
of the ene?Tiy's ships, which were strung along the whole dis- 
tance in the river. On the 13th of October, 1777, Mr. Read 
having reached Salem, in New Jersey, and having obtained 
a boat, to convey himself and family across the river, which 
at that place, was about five miles broad, he undertook the 
enterprise almost in view of the ships of the enemy, which 
were at anchor opposite Newcastle. He had proceeded 
near to the Delaware shore, when his boat was discovered. 
It had grounded at such a distance from the land, that it 
was impracticable to convey his family to the shore, and 
they couid proceed no larther in their boat. In that condi- 
tion they were discovered by the British, and pursued in a 
boat, dispatched from a ship of war. They had time to ef- 
face every vestige of mark on their baggage, by which they 
could be discovered and identified as rebels. This was done ; 
and when the enemy's boat came up with his, they were unable 
to ascertain that he was nof, as he represented himself, a 
country gentleman, who was returning to his home, from an 
excursion he had made with his family. The commander of 
the English boat was a boatswain. His companions, like 
himself, were unsuspicious of any deception, and the presence 
of Mr. Read's mother, wife, and children, altogether, favored 
the truth of his representation. They, taking pity on their 
unfortunate condition, with great good humor, assisted them 
to land their baggage, and conveyed the ladies and children 
to the shore ; and with their thanks for their kind assistance, 
took their leave, and returned to their ship. So great a risk 



236 GEORGE READ, 

did Mr. Read run of being made a prisoner with all the 
members of his family. 

His return to Delaware, as has been stated, being rendered 
indispensable, by reason of the capture of President M'Kin- 
ley, it subjected Mr. Read to additional duties, beyond those 
already engrossing his time, requiring hiw whole attention, 
agitating his mind, and wearing down his constitution, by 
their combined influence. The president being taken away, 
Mr. Read, as vice president, became the executive of course. 
His solicitude respecting the situation and circumstances of 
the president ; his anxiety to procure his release, and return 
home ; the pressing wants of the continental army, by reason 
of the tardy movement of the several states, in furnishing the 

• • * • . ~ 

requisite supplies ; the exposed situation, and divided condi- 
tion of Delaware ; together with numerous and pressing calls 
on him, as executive of the state, both from congress, and the 
commander in chief of the army ; seem to have been sutfi- 
cient to break down, almost any constitution, and shake the 
resolution of almost any man. But, although often perplexed 
and burthened, his fortitude never forsook him ; and a firm 
hope of the ultimate success and triumph of the American 
cause, which he deemed just, and for which he relied on the 
overruling providence of God, sustained him in his course, 
with a cheerful perseverance to the end ; and he Hved to 
realize his reward, in the accomplishment of his desires. 

The state of fiis feelings, during the most benighted and 
gloomy period of the revolution, was manifested in his various 
correspondence, through that alarming season. By reason 
of impaired health, caused by his long and laborious services, 
and his anxious attention to his public duties, he was con- 
strained to relax in his labors ; and in August, 1779, he re- 
signed his seat in the legislature of Delaware. But in the 
next year he was constrained, by the voice of his constituents 
and a sense of his duty, to enter again into the service of the 
state. 

In the close of he year 1782, Mr. Read was appointed 
by congress, one of the judges of the court of appeals in ad- 
miralty cases. This appointment he accepted, and held the 
office during the continuance of that tribunal. 

A controversy respecting territory, had arisen between 
New York and Massachusetts, for the determination of which 
congress was requested to constitute a federal court. This 
was done ; and in January, 1785, Mr. Read was appointed 
one of the judges of that special court. He was one of the 



DELAWARE. 237 

delegates to meet others from other states in Annapolis, for 
forming a system of commercial regulations for the United 
States. This was in 1786, at the time when the clashing, 
and interference of state interests, state power, and state re- 
gulations, threatened to lay prostrate the peace, and prosperity 
of the whole country. This state of things, after the peace, 
was such as the confederation furnished no adequate remedy 
for ; and its inadequacy in peace was now proved to be such, 
that the necessity of a federal constitution of general govern, 
ment, furnished with sufficient powers for every purpose, was 
seen to be indispensable ; and this opened the way very 
speedily for calling a convention from all the states to frame 
such a constitution. That convention met in Philadelphia 
in 1787, and formed the constitution under which we now 
live, and under which it is hoped the country may prosper 
and flourish to the end. 

Soon after the federal constitution had been adopted by 
the several states, Mr. Read was elected a member of the 
senate for Delaware, in the first congress under the new con- 
stitution. He occupied his seat in that body until September, 
1793, when he was made chief justice of the highest court 
of Delaware. This important office he held, and performed 
its duties, with distinguished ability and unbending integrity 
until 1798 ; when, in the autumn of that year, by a sudden 
illness, he closed a long and useful life, which had been de- 
voted to the service of his country. 



.mm9^9««— 



THOMAS M'KEAN 

Thomas M'Kean was the son of Irish parents, who came 
to America, and settled at New London, then a new town- 
ship, in Chester county, in Pennsylvania. He was born in 
the year 1734 ; and was the second child of his parents. 
Their offspring were four children, three sons and one 
daughter. 

The two oldest, Robert and Thomas, after having spent an 
usual term in an elementary English school, were placed, at 
an early age, under the care of the Reverend Francis AUison, 
who has been mentioned several times in these memoirs, who 
was justly distinguished for science, and peculiarly for having 



238 THOMAS M'KEAN, 

been the early instructor of several of those whose name.s 
are inscribed on the national charter of independence. After 
Thomas had finished his classical course at Doctor Allison'a 
academical school, he entered the office of David Finney, 
Esq. a practising lawyer at Newcastle in Delaware, as a 
Jaw student. In a few months such was the confidence he 
acquired in the public esteem, that he was employed as an 
assistant to the clerk of the court of common pleas. From 
that he was appointed a deputy prothonotary, and register of 
the probate court for Newcastle county. This was before he 
had attained to the age of twenty years. As the principal 
in the office resided nearly eighty miles from Newcastle, the 
duties of it devolved on the deputy ; and they were all 
discharged by him. 

Before he was twenty-one years old, he was admitted to 
practise law, in the courts of common pleas in Newcastle, 
Kent, and Sussex counties. He acquired business, and rose 
with considerable rapidity in his profession ; and by the time 
he was twenty-two years of age, he was admitted in his native 
county ; and shortly after, in the city of Philadelphia. The 
notice of the public was fast attracted towards a young gen- 
tleman of so much promise ; and he was appointed, in 1756, 
wilhout any premonition, or any solicitation in his behalf, by 
the attorney general of the province, his deputy, to prosecute 
all pleas of the crown in the county of Sussex. He resigned 
this office voluntarily, after performing its duties faithfully 
about two years. In the following year, he was admitted to 
practise in the supreme court of Pennsylvania. In the same 
year, (1757,) the house of assembly elected him their clerk ; 
the first suggestion of which was communicated to him by 
the speaker. The same office was again assigned him in 
1758. He declined a subsequent election after the close of 
that year. But in 1762, he was appointed by the legislature, 
with CiBsar Rodney, Esq. to revise and print the laws of the 
province, which had been enacted subsequent to 1752. 

In this year he commenced his political course, by being 
elected for the county of Newcastle, a representative to the 
general assembly ; and this was repeated without interrup- 
tion seventeen successive years. It will serve sufficiently to 
evince the confidence of those whom he represented, when it 
is mentioned, that he had, during that term, frequently and 
publicly requested not to be considered a candidate for their 
favor : and also, that he had resided in Philadelphia during 



DELAWARE. 239 

the last six years in which he had been chosen their repre- 
sentative. 

After his constituents, on his personal request in an ad- 
dress he made to them, had reluctantly consented to dispense 
jwith his further services in the legislature, they manifested 
their confidence in him in a manner as singular as it was 
flattering; and no less delicate than it was embarrassing. 
iThey appointed a committee to wait on him, and inform him, 
though with unwillingness, they had consented to dispense 
with his further services; but they requested him to recom- 
mend seven gentlemen of the district to be candidates for 
their suffrages, to represent them in the legislature. This 
he with great delicacy declined. But on the committee 
having reported his answer, the request was again repeated, 
with an assurance that his selection should give no offence, 
he was almost compelled to make the nomination. He com- 
plied, on that assurance ; and the whole of the number were 
chosen by a large majority of the votes. This was an unusual 
manifestation of reciprocal confidence, and the sincerity on 
both sides was unquestionable, as was fully shown by suc- 
ceeding events, through a series of years. 

In the county of Newcastle there was a loan office estab- 
lished, mainly for encouraging industrious strangers, who 
were desirous of becoming inhabitants, to settle in their ter- 
ritory. 

The superintendence of this pecuniary depository was com- 
mitted to three trustees, who were appointed for the term of 
four years. The confidence of the people in Mr. M'Kean 
was manifested by giving him the appointment of one of the 
three trustees for three successive terms, of four years each. 
Their continued confidence was proved in numerous sue 
ceeding instances, as will be seen more fully in the progress 
of this sketch. 

When, on the proposal from the assembly of Massachusetts 
Bay, to assemble a congress of delegates in New York, in 
17(35, to take into their consideration the circumstances of 
the colonies, v/hich were rendered alarming, on account of 
some proceedings of the British parliament, Mr. IM'Kean 
was returned a delegate for those counties which constitute 
now the state of Delaware. In that assembly he was ap- 
pointed, with the celebrated James Otis, of Massachusetts, 
and Mr. Lynch, a committee to prepare an address to the 
house of commons. After that meeting closed their business, 
and he and his colleague, Mr. Rodney, had returned, and 



240 THOMAS M'KEAN, 

reported their proceedings to their constituents, they received 
the unanimous thanks of the assembly of Delaware, as a tes- 
timony of their entire approbation of their conduct, and the 
energy and ability with which they had executed the duty 
intrusted to them, in that congress. Offices were now mul- 
tiplied upon him in rapid succession. 

In 1 765, the governor appointed him a sole notary public 
for the lower counties on Delaware. To this was added the 
office of justice of the peace, justice of the court of common 
pleas and quarter sessions, and of the orphan's court, for the 
county of Newcastle. It was in the terms of the common 
pleas and general sessions, which were held in November, 
1765, and February following, that he, with his colleagues, 
took the bold stand of ordering the use of unstamped pa- 
per, in the proceedings of the court, without regard to the 
*^' Stamp act" of the English parliament. 

His reputation as a lawyer continued to extend. He was 
already licensed to practice law in Delaware and Pennsylva- 
nia ; and in 1766, the judges of the supreme court of New 
Jersey recommended to the governor to grant him a license 
to practice in all the courts of that colony, and he was 
licensed accordinglv. 

In 1769, he was employed by the assembly, to go to New 
York, and obtain copies of some important records in that 
province, which they wished to possess, and retain in Dela- 
ware. In 1771, he received the appointment of collector of 
the customs for his majesty, in the port of Newcastle; and 
in the following year, being a representative to the assem- 
bly, he was elevated to the speaker's chair in that body. 

The vigilance of the people had been in some measure 
allayed by the repeal of the " Stamp act," but not put entirely 
to rest. It was soon thoroughly roused anew, by another 
act passed by parliament, soon after the repeal of the former, 
in which the power was claimed of binding the colonies in 
all cases whatever. And to test that power, the act, laying 
a small duty on various articles imported from Great Britain, 
soon followed. The crisis had arrived ; and on the request 
of the assembly of Massachusetts for convening a general 
congress, in 1774, there was a determination through the 
provinces, which were all equally concerned, to comply with 
the requisition. In Delaware, Mr. M'Kean was an ardent 
opposer of the parliamentary measures, and he was elected 
to represent the lower counties on Delaware, notwithstanding 
he then resided in Philadelphia. He was present at the 



DELAWARE. 241 

opening of that congress, and soon became distinguished 
among the eminent patriots and statesmen, who composed 
that great national council. From that time, he was con. 
tinued by a regular re-election a member of congress, until 
1783, when the preliminaries of peace had been signed. He 
was the only person who commenced his term in the first 
congress of 1774, and continued a member, without inter- 
mission, until after the war was terminated. And while he 
was thus a representative for Delaware, though residing in 
Philadelphia, he was acting in the high and responsible office 
of chief justice of Pennsylvania, after the month of July, 
1777. During one year of that period, he acted in the three- 
fold capacity of representative in congress for Delaware, 
chief justice of Pennsylvania, and president of congress. 
While he was engaged in the sessions of congress, the exer- 
cise of his various talents was demanded, and rendered on 
many ; and among them, the most important committees, to 
which the great public interests were submitted. It will not 
be necessary to enumerate them all. He was a member of 
that which prepared the confederation ; of that which de- 
termined appeals from the courts of admiralty ; of that 
for importing arms and ammunition ; of that for establishing 
the claims and accounts against the government ; of that for 
superintending the finances of the state and emission of bilk 
of credit ; and a multitude of others ; in discharging the duties 
of which he was industrious, intelligent, and faithful. 

Although his name does not appear in the vote for inde- 
pendence on the fourth of July, 1776, through some error in 
the entry of the journal of congress on that occasion, yet he 
was present and voted for it. He did not sign the enrolled 
parchment until many weeks afterwards ; none of the mem- 
bers signed it until August, for it was not prepared and en- 
rolled until that time. Several who signed it from time to 
time, were not even members of congress on the 4T.*i of July, 
nor until several days afterwards ; yet, when the enrollment 
was ready, being then members, and in favor of the measure, 
they set their names to the instrument, in the same manner 
as they would have done had they been present and voted on 
the final question. 

An account of this transaction is given in a letter of Mr. 
M'Kean, which he addressed to A. J. Dallas, Esq. in 1796, in 
reply to one previously addressed to him by the latter gentle- 
man, asking information of him respecting it. Mr. M'Kean 
hatJ publicly manifested his sentiments in favor of the mea- 

21 



'212 THOMAS M'KEAN, 

sure, in u convention of deputies from the committees of 
Pennsylvania, which met in June preceding the act of con- 
gress. He and Doctor Franldin drew up the declaration of 
that convention, which was full and expHcit in relation to it, 
and urgent that congress would adopt it. He had been uni- 
formly in favor of the measure ; and this was well known, both 
in and out of the walls of congress. Immediately after the 
vote was passed in favor of independence, Mr. M'Kean was 
called away to perform duties which were demanded of him 
as a military officer, and he was absent from the house seve- 
ral months ; and his name was not signed to the engrossed 
parchment, until some time in October of the same year. It 
was at that time, that he was called away to aid General 
Washington in New Jersey, at the head of a regiment of asso- 
ciators of Philadelphia, which had chosen him for their colonel 
commandant. 

Ever ready to obey the call of his country, he placed him- 
self at the head of his patriotic command, and marched with 
them to Perth Amboy, in New Jersey, and remained there 
ready for active service at any moment. He continued with 
his regiment until a flying camp was formed, which was 
deemed adequate ; and then being dismissed from that service, 
they returned to Philadelphia. It was after this absence, and 
on his return, that he set his name to the enrolled Declara- 
tion of Independence. 

It is not correct to say, that all who signed the Declaration 
of Independence were present and voted for it, on the fourth 
day of July, 1776 ; neither is it correct to say that all who 
were present, and gave their vote in favor of it, have their 
names affixed to that instrument. Henry Wisncr, a member 
from New York, was present, and gave his vote in favor of 
independence ; but his name is not on the parchment. On 
the contrary, Matthew Thornton, Benjamin Rush, George 
Clymer, James Smith, George Taylor, and George Ross, 
were none of them members of congress on that day, nor 
until several days afterwards. These facts are derived from 
the before mentioned letter of Governor M'Kean to Mr. Dallas. 

While he was absent on his military tour of duty, in New 
Jersey, he was chosen a member of a convention for forming 
a constitution for Delaware ; he, with only two days delay 
set off for Dover in that state, to meet that body. He was 
immediately requested to prepare a constitution for that state. 
He accepted the appointment, prepared it before the next 
morning ; and when the convention met, presented it. It was 
adopted by an unanimous vote of the members. 



DELAWARE. 243 

iJoth Pennsylvania and Delaware claimed Mr. M'Kean as 
a citizen, and he was willing to serve them both. Hence, in 
1777, he was president of Delaware, and chief justice of 
Pennsylvania ; at the same time he was a delegate to con- 
gress from the former. At the time of his appointment to 
the chief justiceship of Pennsylvania, he acted in the several 
offices of president of Delaware, speaker of the house of 
assembly, and a representative in congress, from the same 
state ; this was in 1777. In the same year he v/as compelled 
to move his family for their security from the enemy, no less 
than five times ; and even then they were exposed to the de- 
predations of the hostile Indians. 

He was appointed president of congress, as successor of 
Mr. Samuel Huntington of Connecticut, in July, 1781; that 
office he resigned in October following. Although congress 
accepted his resignation, he was, by a resolve passed on the 
day following, requested to resume the office, and discharge 
its duties from the twenty-fourth of October, until the first of 
November ; to this request he acceded. On the 5th of that 
month, congress passed a vote of thanks to President M'Kean, 
in testimony of their approbation of his conduct while he was 
in the chair. 

After having held the office of chief justice of Pennsylva- 
nia, from the twenty-eighth of July, 1777, until 1799, twenty- 
two years, he was elected governor of Pennsylvania. 

In 1778, in a time of high party spirit in Pennsylvania, an 
attempt was made to impeach Judge M'Kean, but it failed. 

He was chosen a member of the state convention of Penn- 
sylvania, to whom the federal constitution was submitted. He 
advocated its adoption with great zeal and much ability. He 
was also a member of a convention of that state, chosen for 
amending their existing constitution, which experience had 
proved to be very inadequate to the necessities of the people. 
His influence was powerfully exerted in favor of framing a 
new one instead of amending the old ; and he, to a great de- 
gree, effected his wishes relative to that object. 

He was elected governor of Pennsylvania in 1799 ; and he 
held the office to the end of the term, for which any man may 
constitutionally be chosen. He was elected three successive 
times, and held the office nine years. In 1807 and 1808, 
another attempt was made in the house of representatives, to 
impeach him for maladministration in his office of chief ma- 
gistrate. A committee was appointed to consider and report 
on a motion oresented to the house, for that purpose. Theijf 



244 THOMAS M'KEAN, 

report led to a presentment of articles of impeachment for 
the consideration of the house, and a resolve " that Thomas 
M'Kean, governor of the commonwealth, be impeached of 
high crimes and misdemeanors." 

After several attempts to bring that resolution up for dis- 
cussion, in which the vote of the house was equally divided, 
it was at length carried, on the 27th day of January, about 
seven weeks after the first motion to postpone it until the 2d 
Monday in January had failed. It was then fairly before the 
house, and open for discussion. On that same day the house 
gave it its quietus^ by their vote of an indefinite postpone- 
ment. The report of the committee, which closed with the re- 
solve above copied, was highly wrought, positive, and strongly 
accusatory. The charges were exhibited in strong terms, cor- 
responding with the feelings indulged by one party towards 
the governor. And the summary manner of getting rid of the 
investigation adopted by the other, may be viewed as evincing 
a feeling equally ardent, and a determination equally resolute 
to shield him from investigation, before the only tribunal 
which could hear and determine the matter. Thus the busi- 
ness was disposed of. But whether in a way fully exculpa- 
ting the governor, and redounding to his honor, is still, and 
probably will continue to be a question, on which wise and 
good men will hold different sentiments. 

Having, in 1808, finished his term of nine years, as gover- 
nor of Pennsylvania, Mr. M'Kean bid adieu to public life, 
for the remainder of his days. 

After the last war with Great Britain commenced, and an 
enemy's force had landed on the American shore, at no great 
distance from Philadelphia ; when it was discovered by the in- 
habitants that their city was destitute of defence, and that the 
enemy might attack them in three or four days, a meeting 
was called by some of the most influential, and interested 
citizens, to take their condition into consideration. 

By special invitation, Governor M'Kean attended that meet- 
ing, and presided over its deliberations. This was the last 
public transaction in which he took an active part. 

Having as many vicissitudes, and shared as many honors 
by the favor of his fellow citizens, as most public men, at 
length he expired, on the twenty-fourth day of June, 1817, a 
little past the age of eighty-three years. 

He received honorary degrees from two colleges ; from 
Princeton, in 1781, and from Dartmouth, in 1782. He was 
an honorary member of several societies in Pennsylvania. 



MARYLAND. 245 



MARYIiAND. 

SAMUEL CHASE. 

Among the distinguished and dauntless patriots who were 
active in bringing about, and estabUshing the American revo- 
lution, (ew have been more distinguished than the gentleman, 
whose name stands at the head oF this article. 

Samuel Chase, the only child of a respectable clergyman 
of the episcopal church in Somerset county, in the province 
of Maryland, was born in that county, on the seventeenth day 
of April, 1741. 

The death of his wife, and an invitation to Mr. Chase, to 
take the pastoral charge of a congregation in Baltimore, oc- 
curring almost at the same time, he removed to that city, with 
his son, then hardly three years of age. The means atlbrded 
for acquiring a good education in the southern colonies, at that 
early period of their history, being very small, the Rev. 
Mr. Chase undertook the superintendence of that of his son, 
which he performed with care and fidelity, and laid a founda- 
tion for the distinction which he afterwards attained, and dis- 
played, both in the legislative councils of his country, and on 
the bench of the highest judicial tribunal in the United States. 

Being considered as well qualified for commencing his 
professional studies, by the classical instructions given him by 
his father, at the age of eighteen years he commenced the 
study of law, under the superintendence of Mr. Hammond 
and Mr. Hall, of Annapolis, barristers of good reputation. 
By his intense application and assiduity, he was deemed 
qualified for admission to practice before the mayor's court 
at the age of twenty ; and after two years more, he was 
received as a member of the bar, to practice in chancery, and 
the other courts in the colony. 

He established himself in Annapolis, and soon became dis- 
tinguished for that intrepidity of character, which he mani- 
fested on numerous and trying occasions, during the remain- 
der of his life. 

His success in his professional pursuits, was fully equal to 
his anticipations, and commensurate with the high character 

21* 



246 SAMUEL CHASE, 

he early established, for an able and eloquent advocate, and 
a lawyer, possessing much more than ordinary learning and 
talents. 

Early in life, and before the commencement of those 
alarming measures of the English parliament, which event- 
ually kindled the flame of American patriotism, provoked 
open resistance, and finally terminated their colonial union 
with Great Britain, Mr. Chase became a member of the 
Maryland provincial legislature, and manifested talents of a 
superior order, and that independent spirit which he re- 
tained through life. The latter he particularly indulged, in 
what was thought by '^ prudenf politicians uncourtly treat- 
ment, of the governor and royal partizans of the province. 
Mr. Chase's feeling of independence, was too elevated to 
admit of compromise with any man, whom he suspected of 
timeserving, or obsequiousness. 

After the famous " Stamp act" was begun to be put in ope- 
ration in Maryland, he was connected with the sons of liberty, 
and a band of youthful patriots, who violently assaulted the 
public offices, seized on and destroyed the stamps, and burnt 
the stamp distributer in effigy. In these early displays of 
opposition to the usurpations of government, which were con- 
ducted in a bold, and somewhat violent manner. Mi*. Chase 
bore a leading part ; and hence he became very obnoxious 
to the city government of Annapolis. He was soon engaged 
in a paper war with the mayor and corporation of that city, 
in which they sought, by applying to him harsh epithets, to 
degrade him and to put down the rising influence of a young 
man, whose bold and daring spirit they saw, unless it was 
eflectually curbed, might in his future progress, become 
unmanageable and cause them such difficulties, as they did 
not wish to encounter. But their attempts produced the con- 
trary etfect. They brought young Chase into more extensive 
notice, and secured to him many friends. 

When the proceedings of the British parliament had pro- 
duced the eflectof inducing the leading men in Massachusetts, 
to propose a meeting of delegates of the several colonies in con- 
gress, in Philadelphia, and they had addressed their proposal 
to them severally ; the several counties of Maryland adopted 
measures for calling a convention. That convention agreed 
to the proposal from Massachusetts, and appointed five dele- 
gates to meet the first continental congress. Mr. Chase was 
one of the five. On the same occasion he was also appomted 
one of the committee of correspondence for the colony of 



MARYLAND. 247 

Man-land. These appointments will serve to show the confi- 
dence which was reposed in him by his fellow citizens. To 
the adherents of royalty he was peculiarly obnoxious. 

He met the congress of 1774, in September, according to 
his appointment. 

He was again appointed to the same office in December of 
that year, to attend the session of congress in May, 1775. 
He attended, and with feelings of cordiality, united in 
appointing George Washington commander in chief of the 
American armies; and went forward with the most decided 
members of that assembly, in promoting every measure for 
defending the country against the British invading forces, and 
their abettors in the colonies. He had no patience for listen- 
ing to proposals for halfway measures. He early fastened his 
eye on the ultimate object, which his feelings and judgment, 
both prompted him to seek for ; and he never allowed his atten- 
tion to be diverted from it for one moment. On its attainment 
he was convinced depended the safety of his country, and 
the liberty, prosperity, and happiness of future generations. 
For its achievement, he exerted every faculty of his mind, zea- 
lously advocated every means, and personally assisted in ren- 
dering every measure effectual, so far as practicable. From 
the beginning of his public career, he proposed to his own 
mind nothing short of the absolute, unqualified independence 
of his country. 

He was chosen again in the summer of 1775, but the irre- 
solute, temporizing spirit of the Maryland convention, which 
they pertinaciously adhered to, afid expressed in their instruc- 
tions to their delegates, although irksome to all of their mem- 
bers of congress, were peculiarly unsatisfactory to him. Feel- 
ing as he did, and firmly persuaded as he was, that the success- 
ful issue of the contest in which the colonies were engaged, 
depended on their withdrawing their allegiance from Great 
Britain ; and that this must be effected, or the colonies be 
conquered and enslaved ; he was impatient of delay. He 
wished to declare independence at once, that congress might 
take an attitude, that would command respect among other 
nations, and lay a foundation for negotiating treaties, and 
thus procure such foreign aid as they needed ; which they 
could not do so long as they recognized the colonial relation 
to the British government. 

He engaged, with all his constitutional ardor, in ever\- 
measure for increasing the military forces, and strengthen- 
rng the defences of the country. Hence the northern cam- 



24% SAMUEL CHASE, 

paign, under the command of Generals Schuyler and Mont«. 
gomery, became a favorite object with him. 

Still restrained by the instructions of the Maryland conven- 
tion, from favoring any project which might be started in con- 
gress, and lead to independence, he, not without satisfaction, 
accepted an appointment by congress, with Doctor Franklin, 
and Mr. Charles Carroll of CarroUton, in the spring of 1776, 
to go to Canada on a mission ; for a due execution of which 
it was deemed highly important to select men of the highest 
qualifications. Great benefits were expected to result from 
that mission. But Mr. Chase, however flattering the appoint- 
ment with such colleagues might be to his ambition, was the 
more willing to undertake the enterprise, because it would re- 
lieve him from the necessity of acting and voting on important 
questions, which he knew would soon come before congress, 
contrary to his own convictions of sound policy, and opposed 
to his ardent wishes. He was thus relieved from the painful 
embarrassment which his instructions must have imposed on 
his feelings and judgment, had he been present in congress. 

His northern mission, however, did not wholly remove the 
difficulties under which he labored. For when he returned to 
Philadelphia, the proposition for declaring independence had 
already been introduced, while the instructions forbidding 
him and his associates to raise their hands, or their voices 
in its favor, were in full force, and the prospect of their 
being soon removed, was far from flattering. But for rea- 
sons which have been mentioned already, the convention 
having removed those restrictions, left their delegates to act 
according to the dictates of their judgment and discretion, 
relative to the great question; and he was at liberty to record 
his in favor of the measure, and subscribe his name to the in- 
strument declaring it. 

It was about this time that an event took place which caused 
much indignation, and for a time, not a little alarm in con- 
gress. A certain Rev. Doctor Zubly of Georgia, was then a 
delegate from that colony, and present in congress. By some 
means, now not known, Mr. Chase discovered that he was in 
correspondence with the royal governor of Georgia. He 
rose and denounced him to congress as a traitor. Zubly im- 
mediately fled, was pursued, but without success. But no 
material injury to the American cause resulted from his treach- 
erous conduct. This act of Mr. Chase was characteristic of 
the man. He was equally prompt, bold, and fearless through- 
out his whole life. 



MARYLAND. 249 

Mr. Chasers re-appointments to congress succeeded each 
other, from that time, in the manner, and at the dates follow, 
ing. On the fourth of July and the twentieth of November, 
1776; in February and December, 1777; and he continued 
his attendance in congress, with the exception of a few weeks 
only, until the end of the year 1778. 

Possessing an uncommon aptitude for the discharge of bu- 
siness, Mr. Chase was appointed a member of almost every 
important committee in the congress, during the time he was 
a member. His attention to his various duties thus multiplied, 
and was unwearied ; and his fidelity was never questioned. 

One of the disagreeable duties which he had to perform, 
as chairman of a committee of congress, was presenting a 
report to that house, in which the committee recommended 
the apprehension and imprisonment of sundry persons, who 
were believed to aid the enemy, by giving him information 
injurious to the American cause. Among the persons impli- 
cated, were several wealthy and respectable Quakers of 
Philadelphia, and other places, who united in publishing their 
communications to their brethren, from time to time, inten- 
tionally so framed as to weaken the hands of Americans, and 
strengthen those of the British, whose cause he clearly es. 
poused. In such a time as that, there could be no reasona- 
ble doubt respecting the right, however there might about the 
expediency, of such a course as that committee recommended. 
It must also be acknowledged, that the Friends furnished 
sufficient cause for the congress to have adopted strong mea- 
sures with regard to them. 

After Mr. Chase left congress, he spent two or three of 
the last years of the revolutionary war, in the practice of law. 
To his professional studies he had never failed to devote as 
large a portion of his time and attention, during his congres- 
sional and other employments, as he could abstract from the 
important duties he owed to the public. Hence he was con- 
tinually advancing in professional science, at a time and in 
situations, when it would seem next to impossible that he 
could have done more than discharge the official duties, which 
were incessantly crowding on his time and attention. Few 
persons indeed would have achieved what he did. But his 
quick and elastic mind was not confined within ordinary 
limits. 

It was during this period of his attention to his professional 
<iuties, that being on a call of business at Baltimore, he at- 
tended a debating society, at one of its meetings, as a spec- 



250 SAMUEL CHASE, 

tator. It was in the hall which they met, that his attention 
was attracted to a youth, whose style, manner, and elocution, 
were so pecuhar and prepossessing, as to excite a desire to 
learn his name and vocation. It was the late William 
Pinckney, Esq. who subsequently became attorney general 
of the United States, and who held many high and honorable 
offices both at home and abroad. 

Mr. Chase found him an apprentice to a druggist, without 
resources, and without patronage. He was from Annapolis, 
where Mr. Chase resided. His manner was so impressive, 
that Mr. Chase at once advised him to engage in the study 
of the law. Young Pinckney stated his numerous embar- 
rassments, which were, without assistance, insuperable ; and 
he had no one to whom he might look for the necessary 
aid, with the faintest hope of success. On hearing this 
statement, with the feeling of strong sympathy for native 
genius unfriended, and with that benevolence which warmed 
his own breast, Mr. Chase invited him home, gave him a seat 
at his table, the benefit of his instruction, and the use of his 
valuable and extensive library. 

Previous to the revolution, the colony of Maryland held 
funds to a considerable amount, which were vested in bank 
stock in England. Subsequent to the conclusion of the war, 
Mr. Chase was sent by that state as agent, to put in the claim, 
and to urge a restoration of that property to its rightful pro- 
prietors. He succeeded so far in the object of his mission, 
that the state finally realized the sum of six hundred and 
fifty thousand dollars. This negotiation was commenced by 
Mr. Chase ; and the justice of the claim so far established, 
that when his once grateful beneficiary and pupil, became 
his successor in that agency, while minister of the United 
iStates to the court of St. James, having urged the business 
to a final adjustment, the favorable award was obtained, 
and the state of Maryland received the above mentioned sum 
into its treasury. 

Among the numerous warmly attached friends of Mr. Chase 
m his native state, was the highly distinguished Colonel John 
E« Howard of Baltimore. He was induced, in 1786, to leave 
Annapolis, and take up his residence in that city. To this 
determination he was induced in part, certainly, by the 
urgency of Colonel Howard, which he strengthened by a 
most liberal offer, communicated in a letter addressed to 
Mr. Chase. Colonel Howard was owner of a large landed 
estate in the then vicinity, but i^ow in the midst of the city of 



MARYLAND. 251 

iiultimore. Of this estate he offered to give, and actually 
did convey, on condition of his settling in Baltimore, one full 
square sufficient for many city building lots ; a property then 
of much value, and now greatly enhanced. On a part of 
that noble donation, Judge Chase built the house in which he 
lived and died ; and the property is still possessed by his de- 
scendants. These facts are introduced in this narrative, as 
honorable testimonials of the liberality of Colonel Howard, 
and his high esteem for the character, services, and moral 
worth of Mr. Chase. This unrivalled instance of affectionate 
esteem, and cordial friendship, is alike honorable to botli 
the donor and the recipient. 

In 1788, it was found expedient that a new criminal courr 
should be organized for the county and town of Baltimore : 
the increase of population rendering such a tribunal necessary. 
The legislature of Maryland instituted it, and appointed Mr. 
Chase the chief justice. He was also, in the same year chosen 
a member of the state convention, to which the new constitu- 
lion for the federal union was submitted, and in a short time 
at'ter, he received and accepted the appointment of chiei" 
judge of the highest court of the state. 

In 1796, President Washington, who had been intimately 
acquainted with Mr. Chase from an early day in the revolu- 
tionary war, nominated him a judge of the supreme court of 
the United States. The senate confirmed the nomination 
without hesitation ; and it was while he was a member of that 
bench, that he was impeached before the senate of the United 
States, for malconduct on the bench. This was undoubtedly 
the effect of strong party feelings. Judge Chase was tried, 
tuid acquitted ; and retained his seat in the court until his 
death. 

He held the office of judge about fifteen years ; durin* 
which, he was considered as a very able, learned, and up- 
right judge ; and uncommonly prompt in his decisions. Their 
correctness mav be inferred from the fact, that his decisions 
were rarely reversed, or set aside by the supreme courts 

A distinguished member of the bar in Philadelphia, who 
was neither a personal or political friend of Judge Chase, 
said of him, that he was the greatest judge he had ever seen. 

But it forms no part of the plan of this work to give a his- 
ioTW of his individual decisions on the bench, were the writer 
competent. His proceedings in the celebrated cases of 
Fries, and Callender, are not forgotten bv those who were. 



262 WILLIAM PACA, 

contemporary with those events. These it was principally, 
which were made the grounds of his impeachment. 

In the year 1811, his health was so much impaired, that 
lie was disabled for active employments, and his excursions 
were hmited to his favorite exercise, which was riding on 
horseback. This he continued to pursue until the following 
8pring, when his increased debility obliged him to relinquish 
it. From this time he languished, until the nineteenth day 
of June, when he expired, having commenced his seventy- 
first year. 

He was twice married. His children were two sons by 
the first, and two daughters by tlie second marriage, all of 
whom survived him. 

He was a professed believer in the Christian religion, and 
a communicant in St. Paul's church in Baltimore, to the pas. 
toral charge of which his father was invited while he was but 
a child. Judge Chase commenced his career in life early ; 
at which time he gave unequivocal manifestations of constitu- 
tional ardor. This he retained to the close of his life. 



>»»e@04' 



WILLIAM PACA. 

William Paca entered into public life in the province of 
Maryland. He was born in Wye Hall, his paternal residence, 
on the east shore of Maryland, in the year 1740. He had the 
usual advantages, at the time of his youth available in that 
part of the country ; and in his early life, he is said to have 
been carefully instructed in the principles of morality. He 
completed his preparatory studies in the Philadelphia College, 
and then commenced the study of law in the same office with 
Samuel Chase, afterwards one of the judges of the supreme 
court of the United States, under the federal constitution. It 
was there, that those two fellow students and distinguished 
actors in the revolutionary contest, formed an intimacy which 
continued uninterrupted, till it was terminated by death. The 
scene of their studies was Annapolis in Maryland. 

Their first appearance in public life was simultaneous in 
the year 1761, when Paca was only twenty-one years of age. 
They then both became members of the provincial legislature. 
and made a favorable impression on the minds of the mem- 



MARYLAND. 258 

bers, of their talents and qualifications for future usefulness 
in public life. 

It was between that time and the year 1771, that there had 
been a paper war carried on for some time, on the question of 
the right claimed by the governor of ihe province, to regulate 
the fees of civil officers by proclamation. It was conducted 
with much spirit on both sides. Mr. Charles Carroll had 
engaged in this controversy, in opposition to the governor's 
claim, and on the side of the liberty of magistrates to regu- 
late their own fees. He was considered by the citizens of 
Annapolis as entitled to their thanks for his exertions, " as an 
advocate for liberty ;" which they communicated to him in a 
public letter, by the hands of Mr. Paca and Mr. Hammond. 
This fact serves to indicate the feehngs of the citizens of that 
ancient town, at that early period, on the subject of the liberty 
and rights of the citizens; and the estimation in which they 
lield their youthful candidate for honorable fame and distinc- 
tion. It is worthy of remark, especially if we take into con- 
sideration the divided opinions prevailing at that time in 
Maryland, that the citizens of Annapolis introduced into their 
letter of thanks to Mr. Carroll ; the sentiment afterward 
asserted and vindicated by force of arms in the country at 
large, that a claim of right by government, to impose taxes 
on a people without their consent, and appropriate them 
according to the pleasure of the government, without their 
participation, is an act of tyranny not to be submitted to and 
endured by a free people. 

If any business of public interest was contemplated, requir- 
ing the superintendence of special agents, the attention of 
the community seems to have been, thus early, immediately 
directed to Mr. Paca. Such was the fact, when the legisla- 
ture made provision for erecting a state house for their 
accommodation; they appointed Mr. Paca one of the commis- 
sioners for procuring a design, and superintending the erec- 
tion of that structure. These things are comparatively unim- 
portant, except that they serve to show the rank he held at 
that early age, in the esteem and confidence of his fellow 
<:itizens. 

■ When the act of parliament, closing the port of Boston, 
(commonly called " the Boston port bill") was announced in 
Maryland, its oppressive and tyrannical character, and the 
temper in which it was dictated and passed were so manifest, 
that a spirit of opposition and indignation was universally ex- 
cited throughout that province. County convention-s were 

22 



2M WILLIAM PACA, 

immediately assembled, of deputies chosen by the patriotic 
portion of those communities, to dehberate on measures pro- 
per to be adopted with respect to the vindictive conduct of 
parhament, and for reUeving their suffering fellow citizens of 
that patriotic town. 

This occurrence, which so clearly indicated the determina- 
tion of the British parliament relative to the colonies, point- 
ing clearly to what they might hereafter expect from that 
source, if not resisted in season, at once suggested the pro- 
priety of concurring with the request of the committee of 
correspondence in Massachusetts, to appoint delegates from. 
the several colonies, to meet in a congress to be held at Phila- 
delphia. A convention of delegates from the several coun- 
ties in Maryland agreed to the proposal ; and immediately 
appointed William Paca, Samuel Chase, and three others to 
attend that congress. " To effect one general plan of con- 
duct, operating on the commercial connection of the colonies 
with the mother country, for the relief of Boston, and the 
preservation of American liberty." 

In December of the same year, the same delegates with 
the addition of two others, were elected to represent Mary- 
land in the second congress. Their instructions were, " to 
agree to all measures which might be deemed necessary to 
obtain a redress of American grievances." They were elect- 
ed again the following year. 

It is unnecessary to particularize the several employments 
assigned to him as a member of the committees with which 
he was associated. It may be sulhcient to remark, that as 
most of the subjects which came before congress for their 
determination, were submitted to special committees; there 
was employment sufficient to occupy the whole of the mem- 
bers continually, and that Mr. Paca had an ample proportion 
assigned to him. The discharge of the duties thus devolved 
on him, was able and faithful, and such as met with the ap- 
probation of congress and his constituents. 

To furnish one specimen of the liberal spirit of his patriot- 
ism, with that of his friend and colleague Mr. Chase, it is proper 
to state, that those two gentlemen, knowing the want of pecu- 
niary resources of the government, supplied a volunteer corps 
of their public spirited countrymen with rifles, from their pri- 
vate funds, at an expense of about a thousand dollars. 

While the public sentiment in favor of independence was 
fast extending, and rapidly increasing in the colonies gene- 
rally, the people of Maryland, even the patriotic portion of 



MARYLAND. 255 

them, were tarcty, and seemed reluctant, at the idea of ap- 
proaching that crisis, which their delegates in congress clearly 
perceived, would render the measure indispensable. Hitherto, 
however, their constituents were not prepared for so bold and 
decisive an act, as a dissolution of all connection with the 
British government ; and knowing that this step wao contem- 
plated by congress, and fearing that the young and ardent po- 
.liticians whom they had sent to represent them in congress, 
might be prevailed with to sanction the measure by their act, 
and thus commit their constituents ; the convention, in great 
apprehension and alarm, issued special instructions, in the 
early part of 1776, which prohibited them from sanctioning a 
proposition for declaring the colonies independent ; and thev 
carried their opposition so far as to pass a vote, " that Marj'- 
land would not be bound by a vote of a majority of congress, 
to declare independence." That vote serves to show, in the 
clearest manner, the feeling that prevailed in Maryland, in 
the beginning of the year 1776. For it contained strong 
expressions of loyalty and affection towards the king and peo- 
ple of Great Britain ; and positively declared that Maryland 
neither contemplated, nor desired independence. 

This state of feeling in Maryland, and the measures which 
were thus publicly avowed by their leading patriots, in- 
dicated, being in direct opposition to, and clashing with 
their own, placed their delegates in congress, in a perpiex- 
inff, and most unenviable situation. Although the restric- 
tions laid on Mr. Paca and his colleagues, were sufficiently 
irksome, as they counteracted their own sentiments ; and al- 
though they may have thought that the implied censure of 
their principles which they conveyed, would justify them in 
manifesting their feelings by resigning their seats, as many 
persons probably would have done, when placed in similar 
circumstances; they still retained them, confidently hoping 
that a change would take place in the sentiments of their con- 
stituents, and that they would soon be persuaded of the neces- 
sity for adopting that decisive measure, for their own, and 
their country's preservation from absolute ruin. Had they 
vacated their seats, they foresaw clearly, that they might bo 
occupied by successors, whose principles were directly op- 
posed to their own. The consequences to be apprehended 
by them from such a result, were of a kind which could afford 
them no gratification. Mr. Paca therefore continued, not- . 
withstanding all those mortifying considerations, to go on 
bteadjly in favoring, and promoting such asystem of prepara- 



256 WILLIAM PACA, 

tory measures, as he hoped would prepare the minds of his 
eonstituents for acquiescence in a declaration of absolute, and 
perpetual independence of the American colonies of the 
kingdom of Great Britain. 

The contrast between the course he was pursuing in con- 
gress, and the declared views of the Maryland convention, at 
the same time, was very apparent. While they were declar- 
ing their loyal attachment to ( ireat Britain, he was providing 
ways and means for furnishing an army, to be employed in 
resisting the orders of her government. While they were 
saying to the king and people of England that they were op- 
posed to a separation, and would not be bound by an act sanc- 
tioned by a majority of congress dissolving the connection, 
he was engaged in planning a naval force, to contend under 
a national flag, which his instructions from them forbid to 
be hoisted ; and so strenuous were they in their hostility to 
the contemplated independence, so late as the middle of May, 
1776, that the convention repeated their prohibition to their 
delegates, by new instructions issued at that date. Congress 
at the same time, with the cordial approbation of the dele- 
gates from Maryland, were declaring that the royal authority^ 
in the American colonies was at an end, and recommending 
to them severally, to organize governments for their own in- 
dependent legislation, founded on the authority of the people. 
It appeared perfectly obvious, that such a conflicting state 
of views between Maryland and congress, could not long 
continue. A change must soon take place. Either congress 
must recede, or Maryland acquiesce. It did not escape the 
discernment of her delegates, that Maryland could not as- 
sume and maintain a neutral position in the centre of the field 
of hostihties. It was not believed that she would join the 
British, and compound for the consequences ; and it was well 
understood that congress had proceeded too far, with the ex- 
pressed approbation of almost the entire country, (with the 
exception of Maryland,) to recede from its purpose. It was 
therefore believed, that the statesmen of that province would 
soon feel the importance of concurring in the measure, and 
unite in declaring the American nation free and independent. 

To effect this desirable object, several of her ardent and 
influential patriots made great exertions, and with such eflfect, 
that on the twenty-eighth of May, only thirteen days after 
they issued their last opposing instructions to their delegates 
m congress, the convention dispensed with praying for the 
king and royal family. The first step was now taken to^ 



MARYLAND. 257 

wards a union with the other states ; and the succeeding ones 
were less difficult to be effected. They had "faced about," 
and the forward march to their station in the combined array, 
was become comparatively easy. 

On the twenty-eighth day of June, the convention recalled 
their instructions, took off the restrictions from their dele- 
gates, and gave them permission to vote on the great ques- 
tion, then before congress, according to their own views of 
expediency. The record of their names to the engrossed 
parchment, which contains the declaration, " that America 
is, and of right ought to be, a free and independent nation,'' 
evinces their views of expediency on that subject. 

So entire was the revolution in the feelings and views of 
the people of Maryland, in that short period, that on the verj' 
day when Mr. Paca and his colleagues assented to the Decla- 
ration of Independence in their behalf^, they re-elected him 
to his seat in congress ; and in a few weeks passed a resolve, 
approvmg of the measure rhey had so lately and so strenu- 
ously opposed. They re-elected him on the fifteenth of 
November of the same year, (1776,) and again on the fif- 
teenth of Februarv, 1777. Bv a similar act, they save a 
decisive manifestation of their undiminished and continued 
confidence. 

Early in the year 1778, they^ gave him a new pledge of 
their esteem, by appointing him chief judge of the supreme 
court of the state. Having faithfully served his state in per- 
forming the duties of that office, until 178*2, they called him 
to lay aside the ermine, and accept the office of chief magis- 
trate of their commonweahh. He sustained the office of go- 
vernor, however, but one year, and then retired to the quiet 
repose of private life. 

When a convention was called in Maryland, to decide on 
accepting the federal constitution, he was a member. And 
when the new government went into operation, and the seve- 
ral offices created by congress, under its auspices, were to 
be filled, General Washington nominated him judge of the 
district court, for the district of Maryland. This office he 
retained until his decease. This event occurred in the six- 
tieth year of his age. He left the world with the regrets of 
his numerous friends, and carried with him an irreproachable 
character to the grave. 

22* 



258 THOMAS STONE, 



THOMAS STONE. 

Of this gentleman little is recorded in the memorials of his 
public life, and owing to circumstances, somewhat peculiar 
in the changes which have taken place since his decease, 
about forty years ago, among his connections and acquaint- 
ances, by death and removals, but little has been remembered 
of his character and pursuits. Of necessity, therefore, the 
sketch of his history must be short. But the fact, that he was 
one of those bold and daring patriots, who advocated and 
signed the declaration of his country's independence, is suffi. 
cient to transmit his name on the records of American histo-^ 
ry, with perpetual approbation. 

Thomas Stone was born at the Pointon Manor, in Marv- 
land, in the year 1743 ; and educated to the profession of 
law ; and he commenced the practice of it with a good repu- 
tation for talents, and with flattering prospects of success and 
prosperity. 

By all the evidence which could be collected from his few 
remaining cotemporaries, who were at all acquainted with his 
character, and the incidents of his short life ; it is apparent 
that he was a modest unambitious man, fond of domestic retire- 
ment, and satisfied with attending to the necessary duties of 
his profession. And when he stepped forth from private life 
to take a part in the great and difficult questions relative to his 
country's welfare, in the continental congress, that he did it 
more in compliance with the call of his fellow citizens, than 
to gratify any ambitious feelings, or from any desire to ex- 
hibit his talents on the great theatre which then drew the 
attention, not only of the American colonies and Great Bri- 
tain, but of the other nations of Europe. For so soon as the 
great business was accomplished for the promotion of which 
he entered congress, he withdrew again to his private pur- 
suits, and declined a reappointment to a seat in that as- 
sembly. He was however called at a subsequent date, 
again to render his services to the public in that national 
council. 

At that eventful period, when the proceedings of the Bri- 
tish parliament excited the fears of the colonies, and caused 
serious apprehension of danger to their constitutional rights 
and liberties, Mr. Stone was too young to take an active part 
in the public discussions which were held, as well in Mary-. 



MARYLAND. 259 

land as in the other provinces. The interest and anxiety 
which the several enactments of parhament, laying an impost 
on articles consumed in the colonies produced, was common 
to every class, and all ages in society. Youths, listening to 
the remarks of their seniors, imbibed their sentiments, and 
partook of their feelings. Mr. Stone attended those places 
where the character of the " Stamp act" and other obnoxious 
statutes of parliament was discussed ; and hearing their op- 
pressive character described, their unconstitutionality demon- 
strated, and their tendency to the destruction of the privileges 
of the colonists depicted, in the glowing colors of impas- 
sioned eloquence, and the high-wrought feelings of indigna- 
tion, which had pervaded the country ; he caught their spirit, 
and early imbibed their opinions ; which were confirmed as 
he increased in years, and became the established principles 
of his life. Although his principles were established in early 
hfe, they savored too strongly of determined resistance to 
British supremacy, to suit the cold prudence and vacillating- 
policy of a majority of the citizens of Maryland. He was 
several years in advance of a great portion of his fellow citi- 
zens, in his patriotic feelings and sentiments. A knowledge 
of these spread among them, probably was the principal cause 
of his not being earlier brought into public life. But the 
causes which operated to keep him back for a time, shortly 
furnished the motives for calling him forth from private life, 
and putting him forward as a fit representative of men, then 
in power, whose sentiments and feelings fully corresponded 
with his own. 

In the latter part of the year 1775, he was elected a dele- 
gate to the second congress, whose duty it became to make 
provision for the defence of the country against an invasion, 
and to prepare for sustaining a war with Great Britain, which 
they saw was inevitable ; and which must be sustained, or 
the people must seal the death warrant of all their constitu- 
tional liberties and privileges. 

The reluctance on the part of Maryland, to renounce all 
filial connection with Great Britain, was manifested in the 
instructions which their legislative council gave to their dele- 
gates in congress, even after independence had been declared. 
The following clause is found in those issued by the Mary- 
land convention to their delegates in congress, after they had 
voted for and signed the Declaration of American Indepen- 
dence, in conformity to instructions previously issued by them. 

" And the said delegates, or any three or more of them, are 



260 THOMAS STONE, 

hereby authorized and empowered, notwithstanding any mea- 
sures heretofore taken, to concur with the congress, or a 
majority of them, in accommodating our unhappy differ- 
ences with Great Britain, on such terms as congress, or a 
majority of them shall think proper." 

This official extract, while it shows the fond affection 
which a majority of the leading pohticians of Maryland still 
retained for the mother country, serves also to show the diffi- 
culties and embarrassments which her delegates in congress 
had to encounter and overcome, in proceeding to discharge • 
their duty with a good conscience, according to their own 
views of sound wisdom, and true patriotism. All these em- 
barrassments Mr. Stone and his colleagues had to meet and 
remove. 

The feelings of the people of that colony were, however, ■, 
somewhat shaken by the example of Virginia on one side, and 
Pennsylvania on the other ; and in June, 1776, she was con- 
strained to recall the instructions which she had given, and 
reiterated to her delegates in congress, by which they were 
emphatically prohibited from favoring any and every measure 
congress might ajijitate, tending to widen the breach already 
existing between the colonies and the parent government ; 
and more especially enjoined them to oppose any proposition 
for declaring the colonies independent. Accordingly new 
instructions were issued, while the subject was under discus- 
sion by congress, on the resolution introduced for that pur- 
pose, by Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, which gave the 
delegates from Maryland full permission to act according to 
the sentiments they had long entertained in favor of it. 

On the day on which the vote of the Maryland delegates 
was recorded in favor of independence, they were re-elected 
by the same convention that had so long held back, and ulti- 
mately consented to the measure, with manifest feelings of 
regret. 

Mr. Stone does not appear, by the journals of congress, to 
have been a very prominent member ; yet he was a laborious 
and useful one. He acted his part with tideiity and industry, 
on various committees of congress ; and particularly, he was 
the only member of the committee for arranging and report- 
ing articles for a confederated government from that state. 
This committee consisted of one delegate from each state in 
the union ; and the duty they had to perform was among the 
most difficult and arduous that was ever brought before the 
old continental congress. So many opposing views, clashing 



MARYLAND. 261 

interests, and corresponding feelings of partiality, the dele- 
gates from the differeut sections of the country were so tena- 
cious of protecting their own local interests, with so little sym- 
pathy and regard for those of others, that it was extremely dif- 
ticult to form any system of government, extending the power 
of congress over the united colonies, adequate to the indis- 
pensable necessities of that body, for prosecuting the war to 
a successful result. Indeed it was almost a hopeless effort, 
even at the commencement ; and nothing but the universal 
conviction that congress could not proceed without such an 
union, would, in all probility, have been able to effect it. In 
the existing circumstances, it was brought forward, and re- 
peatedly discussed and reconsidered, until after a lapse of 
several months, on the fifteenth day of November, 1777, it 
was finally agreed to. 

Mr. Stone was again elected a member of congress in 
1777. Having seen the confederation, which had so long 
o(5cupied him and his colleagues, finally accepted by con- 
gress, at the close of the period of service for which he was 
last chosen, he retired from the national legislature, declined 
a re-election, and having been chosen a member of the state 
legislature, warmly advocated the adoption, by that body, of 
the confederation. It met a powerful opposition in the legis- 
lative council of Maryland, in which they persisted until 1781, 
notwithstanding the eloquent and urgent appeal of congress 
in their circular to the several state legislatures, pressing on 
them, in the most forcible manner, the necessity of its re- 
ceiving their immediate acceptance. 

Although it appears to have been his intention to withdraw 
wholly from congress, at the time he declined being a candi- 
date for re-election, yet he was persuaded to represent that 
state once more under the confederation. His last election 
to that assembly was in 1783. He was present to witness 
that interesting, eventful, and solemn scene, the resignation, 
by General Washington, of his commission to congress, after 
having achieved the great object for which he received it. 

In the latter part of the year 1784, he was president of 
congress joro tempore ; and, according to usage, had he not 
declined a re-election, he would, in all probability, have been 
preferred to the same office the following year. But his na- 
tive modesty appears to have kept him from aspiring after 
official distinction. He seems to have had no other ambition 
in his public life, than to perform his duty to his constituents 



'i62 CHARLES CARROLL, 

and the community with fidelity ; and to merit and receive 
their approbation. ^ 

The remainder of his short life he spent in the active du. 
ties of his profession, at Port Tobacco, the place of his resi- 
dence. He seems to have retained his popularity with his 
fellow citizens ; as in 1787, they proposed him for a member 
of that ever memorable convention which met in Philadel- 
phia, to form the new constitution. But he declined the ap- 
pointment, and never again appeared on the stage of public 
action, for in the autumn of 1787, he closed his short, but 
useful life, at forty -two years of age. 



iM»»0@9^'- 



CHARLES CARROLL OF CARROLLTON. 

This gentleman, at the present time very highly distin- 
guished throughout the American republic, on many ac 
counts, and not the least, as being the only surviving signer 
of the Declaration of American Independence, is descend- 
ed from Irish ancestry. His grandfather, Daniel Carroll, a 
native of Littamourna, in Ireland, was a clerk in England, in 
the office of Lord Powis, in the reign of James the second ; 
but he left England, and emigrated to America in the latter 
part of the seventeenth century. He came to Maryland, 
under the patronage of Lord Baltimore, the principal paten- 
t-ee or proprietor of that colony, and was appointed as his 
agent, to receive his rents, and also as judge and register of 
the land office. 

Charles Carroll, the son of Daniel, and the father of 
Charles, of CarroUton, was born in 1702 ; and after spending 
a long and active hfe, he died at the age of eighty years. 
His son Charles, the subject of this notice, now universally 
called Charles Carroll of CarroUton, was born on the twen- 
tieth of September, at Annapolis, Maryland, in the year 1737. 
His father took him when only eight years old to France, 
and placed him in an English Jesuits' college at St. Omer's, 
to be educated. After remaining there six years, he went to 
Rheims, to a college of French Jesuits, to pursue his studies 
in that seminary. There he continued but one year, and 
then was removed to the college of Louis Le Grand. Here 
he remained two years, and then went to Bourges to study 



MARYLAND. 263 

)n\v ; and at the termination of a year's residence there j h ; 
removed to Paris. Here he continued till 1757 ; and then 
left France, and went to London, to study law in England. 
For this purpose he took apartments in the Inner Temple. 
From England he returned to the place of his nativity in 
1765, just about the time when the British ministry began to 
promulgate their system of measures, which eventually led 
to the independence of the American colonies. 

Soon after opposition began to be manifested to those mea- 
sures, Mr. Carroll became associated with the persons who were 
afterwards his colleagues in congress, in openly opposing the 
claims which were advanced by t-he ministry, and advocated 
by their partizans in Maryland. Messrs. Chase, Paca, Stone, 
Dulany, and Carroll^ united in principle and spirit, through the 
press successfully contended with, and ultimately triumphed 
over their partizan adversaries, by the force of sound argu- 
ments, which they wielded with such dexterity, that the latter 
retired from the field, and left them in its possession. 

Mr. Carroll was eminently distinguished as an able and suc- 
cessful political writer in 1771-2, when an attempt was made 
to establish the fees of office by the governor's proclamation. 
This measure was in perfect accordance with the system 
which had been adopted in England, without regard to the 
constitution of the kingdom, or the rights of the colonists, as 
members of the British nation. The attempt met with de- 
cided oposition at the threshold. Mr. Carroll took up the pen 
in hostility to it ; and the provincial secretary appeared as 
his antagonist. Mr. Carroll triumphed. Thus the great 
question on which was soon after suspended the American 
revolution, " the right to tax a free people without their 
consent," was argued and settled in Maryland, and decided 
in favor of the colonial doctrine. Mr. Carroll had written 
and published, under the signature of " The First Citizen ;" 
and his essays were so convincing to the people, that, on the 
day of the election of their representatives to the legislative 
assembly, they instructed their members, " to return their 
hearty thanks to the First Citizen," which was done officially 
by William Paca and Matthew Hammgnd. through the me- 
dium of the newspapers, that being their only channel of 
communication with an unknown writer. With that testimo- 
nial of their approbation, so strong was the public feeling of 
obligation to the writer, that as soon as it became known that 
Mr. Carroll was the writer of " The First Citizen," great num- 
bers of people went in a body, and personally returned hini 



1264 CHARLES CARROLL, 

their thanks for the services he had rendered them, in defen- 
ding their rights against the exercise of illegal power. 

Mr. Carroll was now elevated to the summit of popular a| 
favor, and became at once possessed of the full confidence 
of the friends of the people's rights, throughout the province 
of Maryland. He appeared as a leader of the opposition to 
the ministerial claims of parliamentary prerogative, and all ^ 
their corresponding measures in 1773-4-5 ; and in air his |l 
proceedings, he manifested an undaunted spirit and unwearied 
activity. Mr. Carroll, at a very early day declared to Mr. | j 
Chase, that the enemy, although silenced by argument, would 
not be put down without a resort to arms. Clearly foresee- 
ing that result, he prepared to meet the approaching conflict. 

The bold and decided sentiments he so frankly expressed 
on all occasions, had rendered him the most popular leader 
in the province ; and his advice and counsel were sought by 
the people with great avidity, on all occasions in which they 
felt a strong interest. One instance, which will show the ex- 
tensive influence he exercised over his fellow citizens, is 
worthy to be mentioned. A Mr. Stewart had imported a 
quantity of tea into Annapolis, which was contrary to a reso- 
lution of the delegates of Maryland, passed in June, 1774. 
It was at a time when the provincial court was in session, 
and the people, in a considerable number, were collected 
from the adjacent counties to attend it. This fact being 
made known, they became quite exasperated ; and threatened 
violence to the consignees and master of the vessel, and de- 
struction to the cargo. A committee of the delegates imme- 
diately convened ; and to prevent disorderly proceedings, it 
practicable, they appointed a sub-committee to superintend 
the unlading of the vessel, and see to it that the tea was not 
landed. This step, however, did not satisfy the muhitude. 
Mr. Stewart's friends applied to Mr. Carroll to interpose 
his influence with the populace, to prevail with them to suffer 
the unlading to proceed, under such a pledge, that the tea 
should not be landed. But it would not avail. Mr. Carroll 
perceived the strength of feeling which was excited by reason 
of the importation, and told those friends, that however highly 
he might personally esteem Mr. Stewart, and whatever might 
be his wish to prevent the people from resorting to violent 
measures, it would be impossible for him to protect Mr 
Stewart, unless he would consent to abandon his vessel, and 
let it and the cargo both be committed to the flames. To that 
course Mr. Carroll advised ; and after a momentary pause, it 



MARYLAND. 265 

was assented to, and immediately carried into execution, with 
the consent of Mr. Stewart the owner. 

It will be recollected, that at the commencement of the re- 
volutionary troubles, many committees of observation, of vigi- 
lance, of safety, of correspondence, &;c. were instituted in 
the several provinces ; all of which were charged with duties 
of high responsibility. In 1775, Mr. Carroll was appointed 
a member of the first committee of observation that was es- 
tablished in Annapolis ; and in the same year, he was chosen 
a delegate from Anne-Arundel county, in the provincial con- 
vention. 

The intense interest he felt in the proceedings of congress, 
induced him in the early part of 1776, to visit Philadelphia as 
a spectator of their deliberations, and to learn their proposed 
measures. His character, his sentiments, and the measures 
he had pursued in Maryland, were well known and justly es- 
timated by congress ; and although he was not one of their 
body, congress joined him with Doctor Franklin, and his own 
friend and fellow laborer, Samuel Chase, in an important 
mission to Canada. The object of that unsuccessful mission 
has been before mentioned. 

He returned from that mission to Philadelphia, after Mr. 
Lee had introduced before congress his resolution for declar- 
ing independence, and when the important subject was under 
discussion. Feeling the vast importance of having that reso- 
lution adopted by the unanimous vote of the colonies, and 
knowing the shackles which were put on the Maryland dele- 
gates, by the prohibitory instructions from the c^vention 
1 ' of Maryland, which still remained in force, Mr. Carroll re- 
turned to his native province, to exert himself for procuring 
their removal. This object being accomplished, and new 
instructions having been issued, according to his wishes, he 
was immediately appointed a delegate to the congress, then 
deliberating on the great question. With these instructions 
in his possession, he reached Philadelphia on the eighth day 
of the memorable July, in which the birth of American inde- 
pendence took place ; and had the consummate pleasure of 
giving to it his sanction and his signature. 

Mr. Carroll was among the earliest in setting his name to 
the instrument, after it was prepared. On the eighteenth day 
of July, only ten days after he took his seat in congress, he 
was appointed a member of the " board of war;" which office 
he held during his continuance in congress. 

Although the convention of Maryland had appointed him a 

23 



2G6 CHARLES CARROLL, 

delefjate to concrress, and he was an acting member of that 
body, Mr. Carroll still retained his seat in that convention, 
and all the time he could be spared from the former, he devo- 
ted to the business of the latter, by his personal attendance. 
[n this year he was elected a member of the convention for 
traming a constitution of government for the newly formed in- 
dependent state, of Maryland ; and after it was adopted, he 
was in the same year, chosen a member of the state senate. 
Thus the honors of the state were bestowed on him bounte- 
ously by a grateful people, who now began to realize the mag- 
nitude of the services he had rendered them. 

Early in 1777, he was re-appointed to a seat in the con- 
gress, where his services had been so truly patriotic and bene- 
ficial ; and he continued to hold his seat until 1778, when ho 
relinquished it. He was again chosen to the senate of Mary- 
land in 1781 ; and after the federal government was estab- 
lished by an adoption of the new constitution of the United 
States, in 1788, in the month of December he was appointed 
a member of the first United States senate, for the state of 
Maryland. 

At the balloting for classing the senators, which took place 
at the first session of the first congress, Mr. Carroll fell into 
the first class ; and his term of service closed at the end of the 
first two years. In May, 1791, he was chosen into the senate 
of Maryland. Of this body he continued a member, until 
1801, at which time he was left out by a revolution of the 
parties in the state. Thus terminated his political life. From 
that period he has spent his time in the happy circle of his 
family, in domestic tranquillity, and in the interchange of 
kind offices among his fellow citizens ; for whose benefit, and 
for that of posterity, he had devoted so many years of his 
life. In 1801, when he retired from pubhc employment, he 
was in the sixty-third year of his age. He is the last sur- 
viving patriot who set his name to the Declaration of Ameri- 
can Independence. He is now the patriarch of the United 
States. 

He is at this time the only connecting link of the political 
chain which unites the past with the future, in the United 
States. He is justly venerated, and respected by the existing 
generation, and he will be honored and revered by all suc- 
ceeding generations. 



VIRGINIA. 267 



VIRGINIA. 

GEORGE WYTHE. 

George Wythe was a native of Virginia. He was born 
ill 1726, in the county of Elizabeth. On the decease of his 
father, who was a wealthy farmer, he came into possession 
of an ample estate, sufficient to render him independent. 

His mother was a woman of superior intellect and acquire- 
jnents, and she took much pains to have him well instructed. 
All the education he derived from, schools, amounted only to 
reading and writing his native language, with but a shght ac- 
quaintance with the rules of common arithmetic. But his 
mother, who was well instructed in the Latin language, took 
on herself the instruction of her son, and aided him much in 
acquiring a knowledge of both the Latin and Greek. He lost 
both of his parents by death, before he had reached twenty-one 
years of age, and was left to his own guidance, in possession 
of pecuniary means sufficient for indulging all his desires for 
worldly pleasure and amusement, which unrestrained youth 
are too prone to pursue. After the decease of his mother, 
he gave way to the seductions of pleasure, laid aside study, 
and devoted several years to amusement and dissipation. 

In the course of a few years, however, he seems to have 
come to sober reflection, for at about the age of thirty, he 
withdrew himself from his gay associates, relinquished his 
levities, and returned to his studies with a zeal and applica- 
tion, which prepared him for the distinguished honor and use- 
fulness to which he afterwards obtained. This assiduous 
application he continued to the end of his life. He did not 
cease to lament the misimprovement of his early years, even 
in his old age, and he always viewed the time he spent in 
pleasure, not only as a heavy, but an irreparable loss. 

Having by his own eflTorts acquired a preparatory educa- 
tion, superior to that of many who enjoy better advantages 
than he did, he commenced the study of law, under the in- 
struction of Mr. John Jones, a distinguished lawyer in the co- 
lony. Soon after his admission to the bar. he rose rapidiy to 



268 GEORGE WYTHE, 

the head of the profession in the county where he resided. In 
bis practice, Mr. Wythe uniformly observed a course of con- 
duct worth}'^ of universal imitation. He would never know- 
ingly engage in an unjust or unrighteous cause. His integ- 
rity, and his strict attention to business were such, as in- 
spired the community with the fullest confidence in his 
character, and he rose rapidly in his profession. He was? 
highly distinguished for his learning, and for the purity and 
correctness of his conduct in his profession ; and when on the 
recommendation of congress, Virginia organized a govern- 
ment for herself, Mr. Wythe was appointed chancellor of the 
•?tate, which was the first judicial office in the gift of the 
state. That office he held, and the duties of it he discharged, 
with strict justice and impartiality to the end of his life. 

He was called early by his fellow citizens, to a seat in the 
liouse of burgesses ; in which he continued by periodical re- 
elections till near the commencement of the American revo- 
lution. In the legislative hall he was associated with some 
of the first men and most ardent patriots of Virginia. It will be 
sufficient to name Messrs. Lee, Harrison, Peyton Randolph^ 
Pendleton, Bland, and Henry. He was of a kindred spirit 
in politics with them ; and he enjoyed, as he fully deserved, 
their confidence and esteem. 

That system of oppressive measures, which the British 
ministry intended to pursue relative to the American colonies, 
of which the " Stamp act" was the leader, found a decided 
and resolute opposer in George Wythe, in connection with 
his no less resolute and decided associate fellow patriots in 
Virginia. With them he continued a stedfast and uniform 
opposition in the legislature of Virginia, to the encroachments 
of the British parliament on the rights and liberty of the Ame- 
rican colonists, until their perseverance brought forth the 
trreat crisis, when the people of the provinces, finding their 
oppression no longer to be endured, began to resort to arms 
in their own defence. At that memorable juncture, Mr. 
Wythe joined a volunteer corps, and girded on his armor, pre- 
pared to meet in the field the hostile invaders of his country. 

In 1775 he was remanded to the duties of legislation, by his 
confiding countrymen, and was appointed a delegate to the ge- 
neral congress ; of which he continued a member in the year 
following, when the great question of declaring the American 
colonies free and independent of the government of Great 
Britain, was introduced, and decided m the affirmative. This 
object, which had been contemplated by him, received his 



VIRGINIA. 269 

cordial support ; and he set his signature to it with much 
satisfaction. 

After Virginia had formed a government for herself, it be- 
came necessary to adapt her code of laws to the new pohtica! 
condition in which she was now placed, as an independent 
state. A revision of the laws became necessary ; and for 
this important purpose a committee was appointed ; one of 
which was Mr. Wythe. His acting colleagues were Jeffer- 
son and Pendleton. 

At that time, when the country demanded the active em- 
ployment of all the best talents it contained, Mr. Wythe was 
kept constantly employed in some public business of impor- 
tance. In 1777, he was chosen speaker of the house of bur- 
gesses ; and the same year, he was elevated to a high judiciary 
station, one of the three judges of the high court of chancery. 
And when that court was organized anew, he was constituted 
sole judge. In that character he occupied the bench more 
than twenty years, with the full approbation of the community. 
While in that station he was called to give the first decision 
on the great question, whether debts contracted by persons in 
the United States, to men in Great Britain, previously to the 
revolution, were recoverable at law. Popular feehng was 
strong against it ; and the excitement was extensive in Ame- 
rica. But Chancellor Wythe, acting with uprightness, having, 
after a thorough investigation, satisfied his mind that they 
were recoverable, decided the question, with an independence 
"which is highly creditable to his firmness and integrity. 

In addition to his judicial office, he held for a season the 
office of professor of law in the college of William and Mary ; 
but on his removal to Richmond, he resigned it, finding it in- 
compatible with his other duties. 

In 1786, he was chosen a delegate to the convention for 
forming the new constitution of the United States. In 1788, 
he was chosen a member of the state convention, assembled 
to consider the question of adopting or rejecting that consti- 
tution. After its adoption, and the government had gone into 
operation, he was twice chosen an elector of a president of 
the United States. 

His was the singular honor of having been the law in- 
structor of two presidents and one chief justice of the United 
States. 

Notwithstanding all his public occupations, he instituted 
a private school, which he instructed personally, free for 
those who attended it ; as he demanded no compensation for 

23* 



270 GEORGE WYTHE, 

his services. He took also a favorite young negro boy, ami 
instructed him to some extent in the Latin and Greek lan- 
guages, intending to give him a hterary education ; but he 
died a short time before his benefactor. 

Mr. Wythe, Hke several of his fellow laborers in the cause 
of his country, and of civil liberty, rose from obscurity to higli 
literary, political, and professional eminence, by his own reso- 
lute and persevering exertions, with but little collateral assist- 
ance. He resolved to rise to distinction ; and he accomplished 
his purpose. And this he effected by adopting and pursuing, 
with untiring perseverance, a course of application to study, 
of integrity, and impartiality in business, of virtuous moral 
deportment among men, and an undeviating and inflexible 
adherence to what he believed was right. 

His death occurred on the 8th day of June, 1806, and was 
undoubtedly occasioned by poison, administered by some 
person in a portion of his food. Suspicion fell strongly on a 
person nearly related to him ; but he was acquitted by a jury» 
He was in his eighty-first year when this melancholy event 
took place. 

During his life he gave freedom to his slaves, and furnished 
them with the necessaiy means of support until they could 
provide for themselves ; and in his will, he made provision 
for the support of a man, wojnan, and child, whom he had 
manumitted during their lives. ?. The boy fell a victim to the 
same poisoned food which caused his master's decease, and 
died a short time before him. »» 

Mr. Wythe was twice married. His first wife was a daugh- 
ter of his preceptor, Mr. Jones. He had but one child, who 
died young. He left no offspring to survive him. 

The character of Mr. Wythe was, and still is, much vene- 
rated ; and his violent death justly lamented by his surviving 
friends and fellow citizens, to whom he had been a public 
benefactor. 



RICHARD HENRY LEE. 

If a lineal descent from ancestors, who through successive 
generations were distinguished by rank and office, both hon- 
orable and lucrative, can confer gratification to the feelings 
of a republican, no man can justly claim more, than Richard 



i 



VIRGINIA. 271 

Henry Lee was entitled to assume. The family from which 
lie was descended was highly distmgaished, in that respect, 
even among those which claimed distinction in Virginia, the 
place of his birth. But he seems not to have partaken of the 
feeling of superiority so common among men. He was truly 
a republican. 

Richard Henry Lee was born in the county of Westmore- 
land, in the colony of Virginia, on the twentieth day of Janu- 
ary, 173-2. 

When he had reached a suitable age, according to the 
prevailing fashion at that period of the colonial history, 
among gentlemen of affluence in the southern colonies, his 
father sent him to England to obtain his educd.tion. He placed 
him at Wakefield, in Yorkshire, at a flourishing school, in 
which he could have all the advantages to be derived from 
the refined society of the town, combined with the simple 
manners and economical habits of the cuuntrv. The leadinor 
object which he seems to have contemplated in acquiring his 
education, was to possess himself of those brandies of ele- 
gant literature and useful science, which comprise the educa- 
tion of a gentleman, who had no particular profession in view. 

History, especially that of ancient republics, engaged much 
of his attention. By an acquaintance with it, he became 
attached to civil liberty in his youth ; an attachment which 
increased, as he advanced in years and in maturity of under- 
standing and judgment, even to the end of his life. 

He left his school in England, and returned to Virginia, 
before he had completed his nineteenth year. There he 
applied himself assiduously to literary pursuits, the results of 
which are still in bemg. They are contained in manuscripts 
of considerable size, in which he systematized his views of 
ethics, and the philosophy of history, which he gathered 
from reading, or were suggested by his own reflections. 

The first that we hear of him in public employment, was 
at the time when General Braddock arrived from England, 
and summoned the governors of the colonies to assemble in 
Alexandria, in Virginia, to confer on what means should be 
adopted and applied for the public safety, at that time 
threatened by the French and Indians, particularly on the 
western frontier settlements. Mr. Lee was then at the head 
of the troops of the county of Westmoreland ; and those he 
led to Alexandria, and tendered his services to General Brad- 
dock, together with those gallant volunteers who comprised 
the band which he commanded, for the service of his coun^ 



•272 RICHARD HENRY LEE, 

try. But as that proud officer could not conceive that the aid 
of the provincials was necessary, for such a disciplined force 
as he had brought with him from England, Mr. Lee with t J 
his troops returned to his home ; while Braddock paid the 
price of his presumption, by the loss of his own life and the 
destruction of his arniy. 

Before Mr. Lee had reached the age of twenty-five years, 
he had established such a character for integrity, knowledge, 
and influence, in the community where he resided, that num- 
bers on their dying beds, or when contemplating their ap- 
proach to the close of life, in their solicitude for the welfare 
of their surviving children, selected him for their guardian 
and protector. 

When he was but twenty-five years old, in concurrence 
with the wishes of the people, he was appointed a justice of 
the peace for the county, by the royal governor ; and in the 
same year, he was chosen a member of the house of burges- 
ses. At that early age, the other magistrates united in a 
petition to the governor, that Mr. Lee's commission might be 
so dated, as to obviate some existing impediment to his being- 
chosen president of the court, which could not be legally done 
without such a measure. This fact serves to show the confi- 
dence they entertained in his fitness for the station, at that 
early period of life. 

Diffidence prevented him from appearing in public debate 
for a considerable time, and kept him from displaying his 
powers of oratory, which at an after period he exercised 
with such power and effect, both in that house and in con- 
gi-ess, as gained for him the appellation of the Cicero of 
America. But happily he was excited to shake off" that dif- 
fidence, and come forward with all his native force, and an 
elegance of manner, for which he was afterwards so highly 
distinguished. The first debate in which he took an active 
part, was on the limitation of slavery. The immediate ob- 
ject of the resolution proposed, and which engaged all his 
iieart and exertions in its behalf, was " to lay so heavy a duty 
on the importation of slaves, as effectually to stop that dis 
graceful traffic." 

On this subject he addressed the speaker in a speech, which 
astonished the audience, and gave an earnest of the eloquence 
in debate, which afterwards attended him through his public 
life. 

There was another occasion which called him forth in the 
same body, in which he evinced his integrity and fearless- 



VIRGINU. 273 

ness in performing his duty for the pubhc benefit, eigainst a 
formidable opposition, before which others had shrunk, the 
odds being fearfully against them at the outset. The opposi- 
tion consisted of men of dissolute morals, who had dissipated 
their estates, yet affecting the show of wealth, haughtily look- 
ed down on what they termed " the lower classes of society," 
and asserted that the mass of the people were incompe- 
tent to manage their own concerns ; and the right of govern- 
ing was limited to but a few, who possessed the requisite 
qualities for performing the duty. Their income did not 
meet their expenses, which were incurred by an extrava- 
gant style of living, which they could not afford. They had 
too much pride to conform to their circumstances ; and to 
supply the deficiency, resorted to borrowing. In the house 
of burgesses, they on all occasions voted with the adminis- 
tration. Many of these had borrowed large sums of Mr. 
Robinson, the colonial treasurer. He was of a verj' obliging 
and accommodating disposition, a gentleman in his manners; 
^nd was also the leader of the aristocratic party in Virginia. 
He lent to them until his private funds were exhausted ; and 
he unfortunately loaned to them redeemed treasui-y bills, 
which his duty enjoined, and fidelity required him to destroy, 
^o secure the public against a loss. 

The treasurer felt that he was strongly fortified ao-ainst the 
consequences of an investigation, by the members whom he 
had accommodated, who were pledged to defend him should 
he be prosecuted. He felt secure of a majority who would 
sustain him by their vote ; and if he should be arraigned, and 
not convicted, whoever undertook the labor, would be- 
come an object of public odium, and must sink under the bur- 
then which would be cast upon him. Hence, no one was found 
adventurous enough to encounter the opposition he must 
meet, but Richard Henry Lee, though all were convinced of 
its necessity. But he, regardless of the consequences to 
himself, with a moral courage worthy of his character, entered 
on the prosecution of the delinquent treasurer ; nor did he 
desist from the pursuit, until he had finished the business, 
which his public duty required at his hands. The magna« 
nimity, decision, and address, which he manifested on that 
occasion, and the success which crowned his efforts, notwith- 
standing the formidable opposition he had to encounter, placed 
him on a high and commanding eminence in the republicaa 
party, and acquired for him the gratitude of the community, 
whom he had saved from suffering a severe loss. 



274 RICHARD HENRY LEE, 

It is needless to recapitulate in this place, the causes wliicli 
led to, and terminated in the separation of the British colo- 
nies from their parent g^overnment. It has been often done^ 
in this series of memoirs, and they operated in a similar man- 
ner on the minds of the leading patriots, at nearly the same 
moment, in every part of the country. Mr. Lee was among 
the foremost in observing them, in detecting their consequen- \ 
ces, if they were not successfully opposed, and in sounding i 
the alarm among his countrymen. J 

He organized the first association which existed in Vir- ♦ 
ginia, for opposing British oppression in that colony. It was I 
in direct hostility to an execution of the duties enjoined by the 
celebrated " Stamp act." There was at that time an open 
and avowed party in Virginia, of great power and influence. 
It was odious to his feelings ; and he determined to com- 
mence an attack upon it, with a viev/ to its ultimate prostra-^ 
tion, and thus do away the distinction that was continuall} 
maintained between the wealthy inhabitants and the common 
people. To some extent he accomplished his purpose. He 
had united with him, in spirit and in purpose, the celebrated 
Patrick Henry. They were unlike in their manner, but for 
mutual aids, none perhaps were ever better associated. They 
may, in one point of view, be happily compared to Luther 
and Melanchton. Mr. Henry's eloquence had the majesty 
and overwhelming force of a storm, which shook every thing 
within its sweep. His opponents trembled when he rose, and 
feared that the first flash of his fire would strike them pros- 
trate. Mr. Lee met them without any threatening aspect,, 
while his sweet sounding eloquence fell on them like a gentle 
shower, and animated their feelings, and revived their des- 
ponding spirits, till a new aspect was given to all wlio heard 
him. They were not only formidable, but irresistible, when 
they united in an attack upon their opponents. 

Richard Henry Lee, was the first man in Virginia, who 
stepped forward in open opposition to an execution of the 
" Stamp act." The patricians generally were strongly pre- 
disposed to support the authority and measures of the British 
ministry, towards the American colonies. Mr. Lee for a 
time stood almost single handed, in opposing them. And 
those who favored the cause generally, by reason of constitu- 
tional timidity, or some other cause, hesitated about the mea- 
sures to be adopted, and fell far behind him in spirit and firm- 
ness. But nothing daunted by the opposing force, he perse- 
vered until he broke their ranks, and scattered their forces. 



VIRGINIA. , 275 

The merit of having first proposed " committees of corres- 
pondence," which had such a powerful and favorable influence 
iii preparing the people to resist the British, and finally for the 
revolutionary conflict — Virginia or Massachusetts, has been 
claimed both for the convention of Massachusetts, and that of 
Virginia; and the fact appears to be, that both bodies con- 
ceived the project about the same time. But letters, now iu 
being, show that the proposal had been made by Mr. Lee to 
gentlemen both north and south of Virginia, several years 
before any measure of the kind had been suggested by any 
other man in the country. The proposals for the measure, 
in the legislative bodies in those two colonies, were as late as 
1773, whereas the letter of Mr. Lee to Mr. Dickinson, of 
Pennsylvania, is dated the twenty-fifth of July, 1768. 

The situation of Mr. Lee was singularly favorable for ob. 
laining early information of what was doing in England, 
which peculiarly interested the colonies ; and this is, proba- 
bl}', one reason why he became one of the most forward of 
the leaders in that early period. His brother. Doctor Arthur 
Lee, who was a distinguished literary character, was at that 
time in Great Britain, and spent much of his time in Lon- 
don. He associated with a number of eminent civilians and 
statesmen, and with several of both classes, of those who 
were friendly to the American colonies, on terms of intimacy. 
He kept up a constant correspondence with his brother, in 
which he furnished him with the earliest political intelligence 
of parliamentary projects and proceedings, relating to the 
colonies, that he could obtain. Mr. Lee had watched their 
l)rogress with a cautious vigilance, partaking in some de- 
gree of jealousy, from the time of his return from his 
school. His suspicion, which was awakened in his youth, 
was continually on the alert to detect the designs of the 
ministry upon bis native land ; always anticipating such a 
design, when their measures assumed the most plausible and 
conciliating aspect. Hence, when the law repealing the 
" Stamp a<;t" arrived, and furnished such universal congratu- 
lation throughout the colonies, the pleasure he derived from that 
isource, was diminished by the clause which accompanied it, 
declaring the right of parliament to bind the colonies. Hi« 
knowledge of the British constitution was too clear and cor- 
rect, to sufter him to assent to that principle ; and his love 
of his native country, and his attachment to civil liberty and 
the principles of republicanism, too ardent and unbending, .to 
admit of his assenting to such a claim, by parliament, or auj 



27G RICHARD HENRY LEE, 

«l 
other power, in which his country was not duly represented. 
Doctor Lee being on the ground, and associating with lead- \ 
ing men of all parties, in parliament and out of it, was fur- 
nished with the best means for obtaining information ; and 
his love of freedonT, and of his own country, induced him to 
watch the course of the British cabinet, that he might be able 
to communicate early and correct information to his brother, 
of what might be expected, for the benefit of his countrymen. 
The correctness of his opinions may be estimated by those 
communications. The facts and opinions thus conveyed to 
Richard Henry liCe, left no room for doubt on his mind, as f 
to the proper course to be pursued by the colonies, if they 
did not intend to submit to a state of bondage to Great Bri- 
tain, and patiently wear the chains which the Enghsh cabinet 
was forging to secure their obedience. He, therefore, feel 
ing determined on resistance himself, at all hazards, was 
abundant in labors and efforts, to enlighten his countrymen 
on their condition, and future prospects ; and to prepare their 
minds, and rouse their patriotic love of liberty, to meet the 
shock, whenever the gathering storm might burst upon them. 
To effect this important object, he exerted himself in every 
way he could devise. As a member of the house of bur- 
gesses in Virginia, he brought the claim of parliament to bind 
the colonies before that body, in resolutions, in which he 
expressed his sentiments of opposition in strong and explicit 
terms, such as some denominated the ebullitions of sedition, 
and disloyal madness. He also corresponded with influential 
gentlemen in other colonies, published his sentiments in news - 
papers, and conversed with his fellow citizens, as opportuni- 
ties presented. Thus it was, that while many were contem- 
plating the independence of the colonies as a future and 
contingent event, and began cautiously to speak of it as pos- 
sible, a few months only before the measure was irrevocabK 
decided by congress, Richard Henry Lee had long had his 
mind prepared, and his judgment as freely decided, as at the 
lime when he introduced the resolution for the consideration 
of congress in June, 177G. 

He early saw the importance of adopting measures, to di- 
minish the commercial intercourse witli Great Britain, by 
abstaining from the use of every luxury and superfluity, 
which had been customarily imported from thence by the colo- 
nial merchants, and by exertions to procure all the necessa- 
lies of life from the productions of domestic labor. This sys- 
tern he began to practise himself, and urged upon the citizens 



VIRGLVIA. 277 

of his county, a considerable time before the party opposed to 
rovaltv in Virmnia had become united, or resolute enoutrh 
to meet in a private house, and recommend such a measure 
to their fellow citizens. With a view to convince the people 
of England that the American colonies could, and if urffed 
to do it, would live independently of that nation, he had manu- 
factured wine from the native grape of the country ; speci- 
mens of which he sent in bottles, to several of his friends in 
Great Britain, " to testify his respect and gratitude for those 
who had shown a particular kindness to Americans." This 
wine, he assured them, was the produce of his own hills : 
and he gave orders to his merchant in London, who had fur- 
nished his supplies heretofore, not to send him any articles 
on which parliament had imposed a duty to be paid by Ame- 
ricans. This he did prior to any non-importation agreement 
in any part of the country ; and probably, at a time when no 
other individual even thou^rht of such a measure. 

No proceeding of parhament, which had a bearing unfa- 
vorable to the liberties of his country, escaped his notice. 
No event took place in the colonies, of importance to their 
interests, of which he could avail himself for extending his 
correspondence, and impressing his own views and sentiments 
on the minds of others, which he did not improve. The 
burning of the British schooner Gaspee, in Narragansett Bay, 
about this period, was an event which he improved, for opening 
a correspondence with that intluential and resolute patriot, 
Samuel Adams, of Boston. While others were speculating 
on the consequences of the occurrence, and looking with me- 
lancholy tbrebodings to what might result from the repre- 
sentations made by the court of inquiry, Mr. Lee sought for 
correct information of the facts relating to that bold and da- 
ring enterprise. 

On hearing from his brother in London, of the " Boston 
port bill," Mr. Lee immediately drew up resolutions to otfer 
to the consideration of the house of burgesses, which evinced 
a spirit of bold determination, that excited the resentment of 
the roval governor to such a degree, that he immediately dis- 
solved the house, before lie had an opportunity to otfer them. 
This step of regal power produced good to the cause which 
Mr. Lee espoused, and contributed to strengthen his hands, 
by concentrating his friends, and awakening them to the ne- 
cessity of united, resolute, and vigorous effort. Notwithstand- 
ing the dissolution of the house by the governor, the patriotic 
members assembled voluntarilv, before whom he laid his reso. 

24 



278 RICHARD HENRY LEE, 

lutions ; one of which recommended the calhng a general con^ 
grass. This, however, was loo strong a measure for the 
feehngs of a majority. They thought Mr. Lee rash, and 
precipitate; and they chose to soften it down many degrees 
of temperature. Although they uhimately came to the 
ground where he then stood, yet he, and a few others who 
acted with him, were at that time, far in advance of the pa- 
triotism of Virginia. They adjourned to meet again at a fu- 
ture day. That day was the first of August, 1774. The 
controversy between the governor and his adherents on the 
one side, and the patriotic friends of the people on the other, 
was becoming more open and spirited. To prevent the meet- 
Jng by adjournment of the delegates of the people, on the first 
of August, the governor issued his writs for a choice of re- 
presentatives, to meet on the eleventh of the same month. But 
his plan did not succeed. At the call of the people, without 
consulting the pleasure of the governor, many of the most dis- 
tinguished men in the colony came together on the day of ad- 
journment, to compose the first assembly of the people of 
Virginia, that ever met on that authority alone. The die was^ 
now cast, and the cause which he had been so long contend- 
ing for, was now won. The spirit of the people was roused, 
and their tardy time-serving representatives, who had been 
vacillating so long, were replaced by others of a less timid 
disposition, and whose spirit and fortitude were more in uni- 
son with those of their constituents. 

At this meeting Mr. Lee introduced his favorite plan of 
choosing delegates to meet with those from other provinces, 
in a general congress, to consult on measures for the public 
good ; measures in which all the people were deeply, and vi- 
tally interested. Here success crowned his long and arduous 
efforts, to rouse and call forth the energy and spirit of Vir- 
ginia, and prepare them to breast the storm he had long seen 
gathering, and which there was too much reason to apprehend 
would burst upon them, while they were slumbering in a care- 
less security. The representatives of the people in that as- 
sembly did awake. The result was that Richard Henry Lee. 
Patrick Henry, and George Washington, were elected to meet 
the delegates chosen by the other colonies, in a general con- 
gress in Philadelphia, on the fifth day of September of that 
year. When the day arrived, it found him and his colleagues 
on the floor, actuated by all that noble and elevated love of 
country and civil liberty, and impelled by all that zealous and 



VIRGINIA. 279 

untiring patriotism, which shone forth with such lustre du- 
ring their future Hves. 

The meeting of the first congress presented a scene, unpre- 
cedented in the annals of this or any other country. It was 
new, interesting, and solemn, beyond expression. The conse- 
quences which might result from it were momentous, to a de- 
gree which the human mind cannot easily comprehend. The 
responsibility was weighty enough to bear down the firmest 
and most resolute. The eyes of three millions of people 
were intently fixed on them. The consequences of their 
determinations would vitally affect posterity to the end of 
time ; and an uncertainty as to each others views, pervaded 
the whole assemblv. 

The seals were successively broken, and the instructions 
of the several delegations disclosed. When the last seal was 
broken by Mr. Henry, a universal silence pervaded the house., 
anxiety was visible in every countenance, and a half sup- 
pressed quiver agitated every lip. At this moment Richard 
Henry Lee arose, and broke the portentous silence. He 
saw, as by intuition, that the feeling, and the crisis, were such 
as might be turned to good, or to evil, according as they 
might be improved at the instant. He addressed the assembly 
with a voice so melodious, a language so persuasive, and sen- 
timents so enlarged and just, as soothed, though they did not 
suppress the emotions of the meeting ; and when with the most 
pleasing and convincing eloquence, he declared that there 
was but one hope for the country, and that was in the vigor 
of her resistance. Ever}^ heart beat in unison with the senti- 
ment, and was prepared to enter on the system which should 
render resistance effectual. Then was achieved a triumph, 
which began immediately to be felt through the American 
colonies. 

In this congress, Mr. Lee was placed on all the most im- 
portant committees, and associated with the most distinguished 
delegates from the other colonies. It cannot be necessary to 
mention them in detail. It was here that the extent and va- 
riety of his information, were manifested in his extensive in- 
fiuence and usefulness. His counsel and advice, were sought' 
ibr by members of committees with which he was not con- 
nected, respecting their reports, more than those of smy other 
member of the house. When the first congress adjourned 
in the twenty-sixth day of October, 1774, the part which 
Mr. Lee had acted in that body, during its session ; the intel- 
ligence he had displayed ; the spirit he had manifested ; his ac- 



280 RICHARD HENRY LEE, 

livity in business ; the straight forward course he pursued ; his 
devoted patriotism, strict honor, and unyielding fidelity ; his 
elegance of manners, and his persuasive eloquence ; left an 
impression on the public mind respecting his character, most 
honorable to his talents, and truly grateful to his feelings. It. 
was an impression which any man might desire to make, but 
which few were able to secure. 

Immediately on the return of the delegates from congress 
to their homes, Mr. Lee and Mr. Henry were elected to the 
legislature of Virginia. Mr. Lee had the unanimous vote of 
his fellow citizens of the county of Westmoreland. In that 
assembly their united influence had become paramount ; and 
almost any measure which they advocated, the members were 
iilmost prepared to carry by acclamation. Mr. Henry intro- 
duced a resolution for arming the militia of the colony. At 
first it met with opposition. But by the influence of their 
united eloquence, the assembly became impatient of delay, 
and the measure was adopted with eagerness ; and their three 
delegates to congress, with some others, were appointed a 
committee to carry it into effect. 

Notwithstanding all the hostile events which had taken 
place on the part of Great Britain towards the colonies, there 
were not a few timid people, who still cherished a hope that 
a reconciliation with the mother country would be effected, 
and peace preserved. This undoubtedly, was thought desi- 
rable by a large proportion of the people, could it be accom- 
plished on just and safe principles. Many had long since 
relinquished all hope respecting it ; and were firmly persuaded 
that the only alternative remaining for them to decide was 
resistance, or absolute submission. About the time when the 
second congress convened, all expectation of the restoration 
of harmony and continued peace, had departed from the most 
fastidious advocates for forbearance. Timidity, under the 
influence of a conviction that war was inevitable, now gave 
place to a determined spirit of resistance ; and vigorous prepa- 
rations to meet the exigency were desired by all, except the 
adherents to the royal cause. 

Mr. Lee and his former colleagues were delegated to the 
second congress, by which Washington was appointed com- 
mander in chief of the American armies ; and his commission 
and instructions were drawn up by Richard Henry Lee. He 
was appointed to provide munitions of war, to promote by 
judicious encouragement the manufacture of arms, and salt, 
petre, for the manufacture of gunpowder, of both which the 



VIRGINIA. 281 

country was very destitute ; and to devise a plan for a rapid 
communication of intelligence with all parts of the country, 
indispensable in a time of war. In these important duties 
he was not alone ; but congress^ discovering his superior fit- 
ness for the purpose availed itself of his distinguished talents 
and information, for maturing plans, and urging forward their 
execution, in connection with others ; and in performing the 
duties assigned him, his labors were as abundant, as they 
were important. 

The second address of congress to the people of Great 
Britain, was from the pen of Mr. Lee ; and its beauty, force, 
and elegance, had its full share of influence in calling forth 
the well known eulogy of the great Earl of Chatham, which 
he pronounced in the British parliament, on the character of 
the American congress, displayed in their state papers. A 
eulogy honorable alike to the great man who pronounced, and 
the great men who were the subjects of it. 

The royal governor of Virginia had summoned a general 
assembly of the burgesses of that colony, to consider of the 
conciliatory propositions of Lord North, by which he hoped 
to deceive, and divide the people of America. A recess ia 
congress occurred just in season for Mr. Lee to be present, 
when they came up for discussion. He was amply prepared 
to expose their artful sophistry, and by tearing otf the mask, 
to expose their insidiousness in all its deformity, to the clear 
apprehension of the people. 

After the lapse of a short recess, which furnished Mr. Lee 
v;ith no relaxation from his arduous duties, he returned to 
meet congress, which assembled again on the thirteenth of 
September, 1775. Here his time, talents, and attention, 
were incessantly employed in all the most important measures 
which devolved on that assembly. The blood of Americans 
had been shed by the British soldiers at Lexington, in Massa- 
chusetts, and the cry for vengeance which was sounded aloud 
from the North and the East ; rolled forward in every direc- 
tion, and was echoed and responded from the South and West, 
in terms which portended the desperate determination of the 
injured, to visit their invaders with a full measure of merited 
retribution. 

Even the sluggish patriotism of Georgia, which Lyman 
Hall and a few others, had been trying in vain to arouse to 
serious alarm, by this intelligence was kindled, and it showed 
itself for the first time in the attitude of resistance, and eager 
for retaliation. 

2# 



Ii82 RICHARD HENRY LEE, 

The time was fast approaching, when it would become not 
only expedient, but indispensable for congress to take a deci- 
ded step, and boldly bid defiance to the enemy, in this unna- 
tural conflict. Hitherto the nations of Europe, could only 
look on the struggling colonies with feelings of sympathy and 
commiseration. However well disposed they might be to 
assist them, they would be restrained from treating, and ne- 
gotiating alliances with colonies in rebellion against their 
legitimate sovereign. To obviate these impediments in the 
way of obtaining foreign aid, it was absolutely necessary that 
congress should renounce the allegiance of the colonies to the 
unnatural parent, and declare themselves free. Thus step- 
ping forth in the character of an independent nation, they 
might look to other nations for the aid which they so much 
needed in this time of their extremity. 

The necessity for taking this decisive step, was perceived 
find felt, and widely extended through the country. The 
legislature of Virginia instructed their delegates in congress, 
to urge that body to adopt it without unnecessary delay. Con- 
gress felt fully impressed with its indispensable necessity ; 
and -Richard Henry Lee was designated to move the resolu- 
tion. Fully aware of what might be the consequences to 
himself, if the issue of the contest proved unsuccessful to the 
colonies, relying on the justice of the cause he had espoused, 
and appealing to Him who is the great and righteous arbiter 
t'^.tween nations, he put his life into his hand, and on the 
seventh day of June, 1776, introduced a resolution, declaring 
" That these united colonies are, and of right ought to he, fr€4i 
and independent states ; that they are absolved from all allegi. 
ance to the British crown ; and that all political connection 
between them, and the state of Great Britain, is, and ought to 
be totally dissolved.'^ 

On the day when this resolution was postponed till the 
first Monday in July, an express reached Philadelphia from 
Mr. Lee's family, announcing that the sickness of some of its 
members rendered his return to them necessary. He imme- 
diately obtained leave to retire from his congressional labors 
for a season, and returned to Virginia, to attend to the duties 
which the condition of his family demanded. This providen- 
tial call from the theatre of his public service, furnishes the 
reason why the draught of the Declaration of Independence 
was not, according to the established usage at that time, from 
the pen of the original mover of the resolution. Mr. Lee 
was necessarily absent, and unable to prepare the document. 



VIRGINIA. 283 

Hence congress appointed a committee for the purpose, of 
which Mr. Jefferson was chairman. Thus it became his dutv 
to present the original ; which after some alterations, was 
approved by congress, and adopted on the fourth of July, 
1776. 

In consequence of Mr. Lee's great and persevering exer- 
tions to procure the independence of his country, and to pro- 
mote an effectual resistance to the oppressions of the king 
and his ministers, he became peculiarly an object of their en- 
mity ; and great efforts were made to obtain possession of his 
person. In two instances he very narrowly escaped their 
grasp ; in both of which he was in imminent danger of cap- 
tivity. In one instance, his preservation was owing to the 
fidelity of his slaves ; and in the other, to his own dexterity 
and presence of mind. 

He resumed his seat in congress on the beginning of Au- 
gust, after an absence of several weeks, and having signed 
the Declaration of Independence, immediately entered upon 
his active and arduous duties in that assembly. These he 
continued stedfastly, and with his accustomed fidelity and 
talent to perform, until June, 1777. It is rational to believe, 
that exertions so numerous, sacrifices so great, and services 
so important, and long continued, and all consistent with his 
uniform declarations in behalf, and for the benefit of his coun- 
try, might have secured him against the slanderous charge 
of toryism. But such was not the case ; the accusation was 
founded upon the fact, that at a certain period he received his 
rents in produce, instead of the depreciated co!o!l!?J money. 
Circumstances induced him to request an investigation of his 
conduct ; the result of which was, as might have been anticipa- 
ted, highly gratifying to his feelings. The house of assembly, 
after hearing the report of the investigating board, passed the 
following resolution ; and directed their speaker, who was 
George Wythe, to communicate it to Mr. Lee, which he did 
in the presence of the senate and house of assembly, after 
having prefaced it with a short, but elegant complimentary 
address : " That the thanks of this house be given by the 
speaker, to Richard Henry Lee, Esq. for the faithful services 
he has rendered his country, in discharge of his duty, as one 
of the delegates from this state in general congress." 

The assembly immediately appointed Mr. Lee to supply 
a vacancy in congress. Again he repaired to his station, 
and manifested his usual talent and devotion to his country's 
welfare. The mukitude and variety of his labors, together 



284 RICHARD HENRY LEE, 

with his anxiety for the national welfare and prosperity, 
preyed on his health, which was perceived to decline daily. 
Consequently, he was constrained, at intervals, to withdraw 
from burdens, which he found himself unable longer to sus- 
tain, without occasional relaxation. Thus he was absent from 
his seat several times, during the sessions of 1778 and 1779. 

To ascertain and correctly estimate the real character of a 
professed patriot, it may be well to examine his conduct on 
occasions, when local feelings and sinister interests, affecting 
himself and his immediate constituents, are to come into com- 
petition with those of the whole community, and may be ex- 
pected to sway his decisions, in favor of those which most 
immediately affect himself and his friends. A case of this 
nature is presented in the congressional debates, respecting 
the instructions which should be given to our ministers, who 
might hereafter be required to negotiate the treaty of peace ; 
and determine the conditions on which it should be settled. 
Respecting what should be required as an ultimatum, Mr. Leo 
generally recorded his vote in opposition to all his immediate 
colleagues, and many other southern delegates. He uniformly 
insisted on a right to the fisheries, and a free navigation of 
the Mississippi River ; while his colleagues seem to have been 
willing, if their own peculiar interests were once secured, to 
relinquish, or at least not earnestly to contend for, these two 
great interests of the East and West. This fact may furnish a 
political thermometer, by which to measure comparatively 
the expansiveness and elevation of their respective views. 
No Scciioiiai feelings, nor narrow local interests, could sway 
his mind from the path of true patriotism, nor induce him to 
regard the interests of his own vicinity with any partiality or 
favor, which he would withhold from those of the most remote 
settlements in liis country. His sentiments were of the most 
liberal and elevated character. 

At the period when the enemy were turning their forces 
more immediately to the southern states, Mr. Lee's attention 
was directed to the defence of his native state. As lieu- 
tenant of the county of Westmoreland, the command of the 
militia of that county devolved on him ; and he, by taking 
the field, and by a judicious application of the means com- 
mitted to his direction for the defence of that region, saved 
the inhabitants from much suffering, and from the severe losses 
which they must otherwise have sustained. 

He declined a seat in congress during the three last years 



VIRGINIA. 285 

of the war of the revolution, beheving that his services would 
be more important in his own state. 

The time having arrived which saw the struggle of the 
American states for independence triumphant ; and Mr. 
Lee having been gratified by seeing the leading principles 
for which he had uniformly contended, recognized in the 
treaty of peace ; he again accepted an appointment to a seat 
in the general congress ; and once more appeared in that body 
in November, 1784. By the unanimous choice of that assem- 
bly, he was appointed their president ; the duties of which 
office he discharged with the talent, industry, faithfulness, and 
dignity, which had marked the whole course of his public life ; 
and at length he closed his career by receiving " the thanks 
of congress for his able and faithful discharge of the duties 
of president, while acting in that station." It was an honora- 
ble testimony to his worth, as truly merited and as justly 
bestowed, as perhaps was ever done on any similar occasion. 

He was not a member of the convention of Virginia to 
which the federal constitution was submitted, and by which 
it was finally adopted ; but he was opposed to its adoption 
without amendments. In this respect, he was far from being 
singular. But his opposition was grounded on honest prin- 
ciples, and was open to conviction. He was too upright 
and conscientious a man to cavil for the sake of fault-finding, 
or for aflecting to appear wiser than others. He had no 
other end in view in opposing its adoption, than the good 
of his country; and if he had believed he could not vindi- 
cate his opposition by reason and sound argument, he would 
have frankly relinquished it. These were the only weapons 
which he would use himself, or justify others in wielding, in 
the support of such a cause. Whether his views were or 
were not correct, his object was worthy, and his patriotism 
pure, elevated, and inflexible. ip 

He was appointed the first senator of Virginia under the 
new constitution, and proposed several amendments to it, 
which, having been adopted, his fears and apprehensions of 
the dangers he had pointed out were allayed. He retained 
the office, until increasing age and infirmities admonished 
him to withdraw from public life, to the repose of domestic 
retirement, that he might participate in the endearments of 
the family circle, and abstracted from all other cares, but 
that of ripening and preparing for the close of a long and 
useful life. 

In his retirement, he received another vote of thanks from 



286 RICHARD HENRY LEE, 

the senate of Virginia as an honorable testimonial of their 
views of his merit, couched in happy language, and sincerely 
expressive of their high estimation of the important services 
he had rendered to the country, and respect for his truly ex- 
cellent character. 

The following quotation from Sanderson's Biography, is 
too beautiful, and too just, not to merit an insertion in this 
history : — f ' 

" The preceding sketch may give some idea of the public 
services of Mr. Lee, but who can depict him m that sphere 
of which he was the centre ? giving light and happiness to all 
around him ; possessing all the enjoyment which springs from 
virtue, unblemished fame, blooming honors, ardent friend- ^ 
ship, eloquence of taste, and a highly cultivated mind. His \ 
hospitable door was open to all ; the poor and the distressed { 
frequented it for reUef and consolation ; the young, for in- 1 
struction ; the old, for happiness ; while a numerous family ' 
of children, the offspring of two marriages, clustered around, . 
and clung to each other, in fond affection ; imbibing the wis- » 
dom of their father, while they were animated and delighted, 
by the amiable serenity and captivating graces of his con- 
versation. The necessities of his country occasioned fre- 
quent absences ; but every return to his home was celebrated 
by the people, as a festival ; for he was their physician, their 
counsellor, and the arbiter of their differences ; the medi- 
cines which he imported, were carefully and judiciously dis- 
pensed; and the equity of his decisions was never contro- 
verted by a court of law." 

And, to give a finishing polish to this beautiful portrait of 
this estimable man, it may be added, that he was a professed 
believer in the Christian religion; and this avowal of his 
faith was made amid the accumulated honors of the w^orld, 
which' were lavishly bestowed on him, with sincere good 
will, and in the full unclouded exercise of his vigorous mind. 

This highly honored and distinguished man, and eminent 
benefactor of his country, closed his useful life, at Chantilly, 
in the county of Westmoreland, in Virginia, on the nineteenth 
day of June, 1794, in the sixty-fourth year of his age, / 







76 



^\}^ I 'r 



VIRGINIA. 287 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

Thojias Jefferson was born in Shadwell, in Albemarle 
county, Virginia, on the second day of April, 1743, old stile. 
But little is known of his early years ; and of that little, 
nothing that presents any striking indications of his future 
distinction. Instead of following the fashion, at that time 
prevalent in the southern colonies, of resorting to England 
for an elementary and professional education, to which many 
of his contemporaries conformed, he entered as a student in 
William and Mary College, in his native province ; and, on 
leaving that seminary, he became a student of law in the 
office, and under the instruction of George Wythe, Esq., be- 
tween whom and his pupil, a mutual attachment continued 
until the death of the preceptor. 

Mr. Jefferson's first appearance as a practising lawyer at 
the bar, was in the year 1766. His first essay was flattering, 
and his success considerable. Indeed, with the influence of 
Mr. Wythe in his favor, talents more than commonly promis- 
ing, and in possession of an ample fortune, it could hardly be 
otherwise. During the short term of his attendance on the 
courts, he reported a volume of cases decided in the supreme 
court of Virginia, which was published. 

The exhibition which he gave of his talents, was such, that 
in 1769, he was called to a station in the legislative assembly 
of Virginia. There he became associated with men of kin- 
dred feelings, relative to the great political subjects that were 
even then beginning to excite the suspicion of the American 
colonies, and which led on to the revolution. With those 
distinguished men he acted through the stormy period that 
ensued, and appeared among them, with their full approba- 
tion, as one of the most distinguished actors, for a long suc- 
cession of years. At an early period he fixed his attention 
on the measures of the British parliament, and was among 
the first to discern their tendency, and the design, for the 
attainment of which they were put in operation. He was 
satisfied what would be their ultimate effect on the people of 
the colonies, if unresisted. 

From the time when his fellow citizens elected him to a 
seat in the provincial legislature, a higher destiny than foren- 
sic discussions awaited him ; and the pathway to its attain- 
ment was soon thrown open to him. 



288 THOMAS JEFFERSON, 

Those who recollect as far back as a few years previous 
to the commencement of the revolutionary war, will also re- 
member the agitated feelings which pervaded the colonies, 
and the early measures which were then concerted, by means 
of which a general understanding of views and sentiments was 
obtained. Among them, and one of the most efficient and 
important, were the committees of correspondence. The 
first established in Virginia was in 1773, of which Mr. Jeffer- 
son was a member. 

In the next year he continued to hold a seat in the legisla- 
tive assembly. It was then that he wrote, and published a 
pamphlet entitled, " A summary view of the rights of British 
America." This pamphlet he addressed to the king, as the 
chief officer of the people. The sentiments he advanced 
were bold, and couched in strong and decisive language. It 
gave great umbrage to the royal governor Lord Dunmore, 
who threatened the author with a prosecution for high trea- 
son. But he was firmly sustained by his associates, whose 
sentiments coincided with his own. Lord Dunmore was so 
incensed by the publication, which Mr. Jeffierson boldly ac- 
knowledged was from his pen, that he immediately dissolved 
the house of burgesses. But that step resulted in their as- 
sembling in their private capacity, drawing up and signing a 
spirited remonstrance against his arbitrary proceeding, and 
alleging that by pursuing this unjust course, the governor had 
left them possessed of no other means of acquainting their 
countrymen, with what they considered the best course of 
measures to adopt for securing their rights and liberty. This 
remonstrance produced a powerful eflect on the community ; 
and was, though only an unofficial recommendation of mea- 
sures, held as sacred as a law among the people. For the 
course which it recommended, was readily approved and 
adopted by them, and was soon put in operation. 

The attempt for effi3Cting a reconciliation between the go- 
vernment in England, and the colonies, which was made in 
that country by both the friends and enemies of the disaf- 
fected colonies, in 1775, utterly failed, although favored by 
Lord Chatham, in the house of peers ; and by Mr. Burke, in 
the commons ; and left not a shadow of hope to the provinces 
of having their grievances removed, or their condition meliora- 
ted. There Was indeed, a proposition made by the ministry 
of an illusive character, ca^Tying some plausibility on its 
face, which it was probably hoped would divide the colonists, 
weaken their union, and alter their determination. It con- 



VIRGINIA. 289 

tained a stipulation, that so long as the colonial legislatures 
would consent to contribute their due proportion of expense 
for the support of the civil government, and the common de- 
fence of the empire, parliament would agree not to impose 
any tax upon them ; but still it should have the sole power to 
dispose of the amount thus raised in the colonies. 

In the month of June, 1775, Lord Dunmore presented this 
peace-offering to the legislature, and it was referred to a com- 
mittee of that body, of whom Mr. Jefferson was one. On 
him devolved the duty of drawing up a reply. This task he 
performed with great force of argument, and in a manner 
deemed by the body who employed him, entirely unan- 
swerable. 

In March, 1775, Mr. Jefferson was elected, for the first 
time, a delegate to represent Virginia in the general congress, 
in Philadelphia. 

On the twenty -first day of June in that year, he appeared 
for the first time, and took his seat in that body. He soon be- 
came distinguished, even among the men of talents, whc 
were collected in that memorable assembly. Although com- 
paratively young, and a new member, he was early put on a 
committee which was appointed to draw up a declaration of 
the causes, and the necessity, for the colonies to take up arms 
against the parent government. The importance of the man- 
ner in which the duty devolving on this committee was per- 
formed, cannot easily be realized by those of the existing ge- 
neration. To do this correctly and fully, it would be neces- 
sary to go back more than half a century, be placed in their 
situation, and have a thorough knowledge of all the embar- 
rassments with which they were surrounded. The impor- 
tance of it, connected with the time and the situation of the 
provinces, was great ; and perhaps no similar effort was ever 
made with more success. 

In August, 1775, another election was held for delegates 
to the third congress, and Mr. Jefferson was again appointed. 
During this session, it appears by the records of congress, 
he principally devoted his time and labors to subjects of ge- 
neral policy, and to an investigation of important documents, 
for which he was remarkably well qualified. 

Hitherto, neither the people nor congress had relinquished 
all hope of a reconciliation ; and a restoration of the former 
harmony that had long subsisted between the parent country 
and the colonies. 

25 



290 THOMAS JEFFERSON, 

The subject of declaring the American colonies indepen- 
dent, was therefore no longer problematical, with many lead- 
ing men in all the colonies. They saw, and felt, that the 
struggle which had been forced on them by Great Britain, 
could not be maintained without foreign aid ; and that this 
could not be procured while they continued colonies, without 
renouncing their allegiance ; as no foreign government would 
negotiate with colonies in a state of revolt, which had not 
publicly renounced their connection with the parent govern- 
ment. Several of the colonial governments had declared in 
favor of it, in their public acts ; and Virginia, particularly in 
the spring of 1776, had passed a resolution in favor of an im- 
mediate Declaration of Independence. But it was delayed 
in congress until June, when on the seventh of that month, 
Richard Henry Lee, a prominent delegate from Virginia, was 
selected to bring the subject formally before congress. He 
followed up his resolution with one of the most eloquent 
speeches ever delivered in the old congress, on any occa- 
sion. But sickness in his family rendering his return to 
them indispensable, at the time when the committee for pre- 
paring a declaration was appointed, Mr. Jefferson was made 
chairman ; and hence the duty of drawing the Declaration 
of American Independence devolved on him. 

His colleagues on the committee having been mentioned 
in this work, it would be superfluous to repeat their names. 
The duty was one of much difficulty. With what talent 
and success it was performed, is well known. 

After spending the summer of 1776 in congress, he was 
under the necessity of returning to Virginia. While he was 
absent, on this domestic excursion, a commission to the court 
of France was appointed, consisting of Doctor Frankhn, Mr. 
Silas Deane, and Mr. Jefferson, for negotiating treaties of 
alliance and commerce with that government. But several 
important reasons rendered it inexpedient for Mr. Jefferson 
to leave home at that time ; and he declined accepting the 
appointment. He continued in Virginia during the revolu- 
tionary war, devoting his services principally to the concerns 
of his native state. He received a third election to congress, 
but resigned his seat, and was succeeded by Mr. Benjamin 
Harrison. 

From the beginning of the year 1777, to the middle of 
1779, he was actively engaged on a committee appointed by 
the Virginia legislature, for effectually revising the laws of 
the state, and adapting them to their new political situation. 



VIRGINIA. S91 

This was a labor of much difficulty, and required intense 
Jipplication, and extensive research. 

To his agency, Virginia is indebted for several of the most 
important statutes in her code. 

After the surrender of General Burgoyne, congress re- 
solved not to suffer the prisoners to leave the United States, 
until it was ascertained that the convention entered into by 
liini with General Gates, was ratified by the British govern- 
ment. They were therefore divided, and sent to different 
states, to be provided for during the necessary time for as- 
certaining this fact. Some were stationed in Virginia, where 
Mr. Jefferson took great pains to moderate the sufferings of 
the prisoners, and meliorate their condition, so as to render 
it as comfortable as possible. 

In June, 1779, Mr. Jefferson succeeded Mr. Henry, as 
governor of Virginia. Mr. Henry was the first chief magis- 
trate chosen since independence had been declared. His 
term had expired, and Mr. Jefferson was his successor. 

The period of his administration of the state government, 
it must be acknowledged, was one of uncommon trial, diffi- 
culty, and danger. Hitherto the seat of the war had been 
remote from Virginia. But in 1780, it was threatened 
with invasion from the South. Colonel Tarleton, a bold and 
active partizan officer, whose conduct had rendered his ap- 
proach an object of dread, wherever he was known, had 
already appeared on its southern borders. Lord Cornwallis 
was close behind him with the main army under his command. 
Virginia was but indifferently prepared for a successful de- 
fence against such a force. But, in addition to this, it was 
suddenly and in an unlooked for manner, assailed in another 
quarter. Arnold had undertaken an expedition from New 
York against Virginia ; and having embarked about sixteen 
hundred men, accompanied by several vessels of war, he 
sailed for James River, and landed about fifteen miles below 
Richmond. The militia of the state, all that could be sup- 
plied with arms, had been marched to another station, where 
their services were demanded, before Arnold's approach. 
The capitol was without defence, and Governor Jefferson 
was destitute of the means of providing for it. His situation 
was extremely trying ; and he appears to have done all that 
was possible to do in his situation. 

During Arnold's invasion of Virginia, notwithstanding his 
destitution of the requisite means for defending the state 
against hostile incursions, which greatly embarrassed Gover- 



292 THOMAS JEFFERSON, 

nor Jefferson, he laid a plan for taking the traitor a cap- 
tive ; which plan appears to have been well conceived, but 
which was frustrated by Arnold's extreme caution, as to suf. 
fering persons of all descriptions, English and Americans, to 
approach him. His conscious guilt made him keep aloof 
from every exposure to danger. 

The difficulties which he had to encounter at that period 
were great. The legislature had been compelled to adjourn 
suddenly, by Tarleton's approach. They were to meet on 
the twenty.fourth of May, in Charlottesville. They fled 
hastily to avoid being surprised, and were scattered. The 
state was wholly without resources ; and the whole duty of 
the government devolved on him individually. All the men 
who had arms, or for whom it was possible to procure them,» 
had been called to a distance remote from the capital. 

Soon after the legislative assembly convened in Charlottes- 
ville, which was not until the twenty-eighth of May, (four 
days after the time of their adjournment) Mr. Jefferson's 
term of office expired, and he retired to private life. Mon- 
licello is a short distance only from Charlottesville. Tarle- 
ton made a sudden push to capture that body ; but fortunately 
it failed. He despatched some men to Monticello, to seize 
the governor. Intelligence of this was given him. He or- 
dered a carriage to be prepared for his family, who took 
their breakfast, and then drove away to their place of retreat. 
He remained to arrange some things necessarily requiring 
his personal attention. Information was given him that a 
squadron was ascending the hill, but a short distance from his 
dwelling. He then mounted his horse, took a direction through 
the woods, and joined his family at the place appointed, which 
was the house of a friend, where they dined together. 

About the close of the year 1782, Mr. Jefferson was ap- 
pointed a minister plenipotentiary, to unite with those then 
in Europe, in negotiating a treaty of peace. He reached 
Philadelphia in December, intending to embark in a French 
frigate, then lying at Baltimore, as soon as the ice would 
permit her to sail. But before that time arrived, intelligence 
was received that the preliminary treaty between the United 
States and Great Britain had been signed ; and that particular 
occasion for his services having passed, congress dispensed 
with his going to Europe at that time. 

After an absence from congress of several years, during 
which his attention was actively directed to objects of gene- 
ral interest, and also more appropriately to the concerns of 



VIRGINIA. 2D3 

his native state, Mr. Jefferson was, in June, 1783, again 
elected a member of congress. But his attendance was 
deferred until the November following. 

The cessation of hostilities, and establishment of peace 
between the United States and Great Britain, had placed thi^ 
country in new circumstances, presenting subjects for discus- 
sion and arrangement, of the first importance before congress. 
Mr. Jefferson's acknowledged qualifications for taking an 
influential station, and being extensively useful at that time, 
when the domestic concerns of the country, and its foreign 
relations, were all to be revised, adjusted, and settled, imme- 
diately called him to act a very prominent part in those great 
transactions. The definitive treaty of peace between Great 
Britain and the United States, having been signed in Paris, 
and a copy of it transmitted to congress, it was referred to 
a committee, of which he was chairman. It was ratified on 
the I4th of January, in conformity to their report. In March, 
1784, he was appointed chairman of a committee for revis- 
ing the treasury department. This was a subject of much dif- 
ficulty. Indeed, the experience of a very few years showed, 
that the country was in no condition for settling this and 
many other important national concerns, on such a foun- 
dation, as would ensure the peace and prosperity of the 
country. The confederation, which had been eminently 
useful in keeping the states united, while they were in a state 
of war, was found utterly inadequate for them in a time of 
peace. It was therefore found necessary to begin anew, 
and form a new constitution of government, in which a firm 
basis should be laid for arranging and organizing all the great 
principles of a republic, consisting of many separate commu- 
nities, and yet confederated in one sovereignty, in which the 
several parts had interests in common, that required to be 
managed by an united government, at the same time that 
each should control and regulate those which appertained to 
itself, as an independent state. The necessity for this be- 
came more and more realized eveiy year, until it produced 
the call of a convention, for the purpose of framing an entirely 
new constitution of government. This was effected ; and the 
happy consequences of it we now enjoy. 

From an early period, Mr. Jefferson had been opposed 
to the traffic in slaves. He introduced into his original drafl 
of a Declaration of Independence, a passage against it, which 
was stricken out by congress ; and therefore does not appear 
in the document that was finally adopted by that assembly. 

25* 



W4: THOMAS JEFFERSON, 

He had manifested a firm opposition to it in his native state, 
on different occasions ; and during the session of congress 
now under consideration, he made another effort to bring 
about, not only an entire prohibition of the slave-trade, but 
an universal manumission of slaves, throughout the United 
States. It was embraced in a plan of temporary government 
of the western territory, which it was his duty to draw up, as 
chairman of a committee to whom the subject was referred. 
A clause which he introduced into that instrument provided, 
that there should exist no involuntary slavery in any of the 
United States, after the year 1800. The proposal, however, 
was rejected by congress. 

In May, 1784, Mr. Jefferson was appointed on an embassy 
to Europe the third time. He was now nominated as an ad- 
junct to Doctor Franklin and Mr. John Adams, for negotiating 
treaties of commerce with the different commercial nations in 
that quarter of the world, and sailed for that purpose in July 
/ollowing. He arrived at Paris in August, where he joined 
his colleagues. But the embassy was generally unsuccessful. 

Doctor Franklin having obtained permission to return to 
the United States, Mr. Jefferson was appointed his successor, 
as minister plenipotentiary to the court of Versailles. In 
1787, he was again appointed to the same office ; and he re- 
mained in France until 1789. On this embassy he was ab- 
sent rather more than four years. 

During his ministry to France, he embraced an opportunity 
to visit both Holland and Italy. 

It was during his absence, that the convention met in Phi- 
ladelphia for framing the federal constitution. This was 
accomplished ; and the instrument had been ratified, before 
he returned to the United States. His sentiments relative to 
it had been communicated to some of his friends in this coun- 
try, who corresponded with him on the subject ; and they 
were well known to have been opposed essentially to several 
of its most important features. At what period, subsequently 
to his return to the United States, in 1789, he changed his 
sentiments, is not known. 

The goverrment having commenced operations, and Ge- 
neral Washington having been unanimously chosen president 
of the United States, he offered Mr. Jefferson, on his arrival 
from Europe, the office of secretary of state. He accepted 
the office, and became a prominent member of the first ad- 
ministration. 

He hold the office of secretary of state until the close of the 



VIRGINIA. 295 

year 1793. His resignation of it was said to be owing to 
differences in opinion in the men who composed the cabinet, 
on the poUcy proper to be adopted by the United States, to- 
wards several foreign nations. 

The situation of the federal government, was at the outset, 
one of great difficulty. It had but just commenced its opera- 
tions. There had been no time for testing its principles by 
experience. It was to operate on a people enthusiastically 
attached to a repubhcan government, and ready to favor the 
cause of any people who were struggling to throw off oppres- 
sion, and secure their own freedom. Such was the state, and 
such the feelings of the people of the United States, when 
the French revolution commenced. General Lafayette, a 
man greatly esteemed in this nation, was the great leader of 
that revolution ; and it was presented to the view of the Uni- 
ted States as the cause of a people, to whom this nation owed 
a debt of gratitude. The sentiments of the people of this 
country however, were soon divided on the French proceed- 
ings, and the secretary of state, not agreeing in opinion with 
the president, and a majority of his cabinet respecting man}" 
points of foreign poUcy, he deemed it advisable to resign his 
office. 

Mr. Jefferson discharged the duties of the office of secre- 
tary of state, with much talent. His reports to congress on a 
uniform system of currency, weiglits, and measures ; on the 
whale and cod lisheries of the United States, and some others ; 
and his official correspondence with foreign ministers, espe- 
cially that with Mr. Hammond, the minister of the court of 
St. James, evince much ability and learning. This was 
acknowledged by both parties, however they may have dif. 
fered otherwise respecting his character as a politician and a 
statesman. 

During his retirement, he was visited by many foreigners 
of distinction, as well as bv his own countrymen. The only 
event of a pubhc nature which marked this period, was his 
election to the office of president of the American Philosophi- 
cal Society. 

On General Washington's retirement from office, the divi- 
sion of the people into two great parties, it was well under- 
stood, would present two opposing candidates for the office 
of president — Mr. John Adams and Mr. Jefferson. The con- 
stitution had not then been altered from its original form, as 
it was adopted by the states. The person having the highest 
number of votes was the president ; and the one having the 



'2i)6 THOMAS JEFFERSON, 

next highest, vice president. In this instance, Mr. Adams, 
having the highest, was declared president, and Mr. Jefferson 
vice president for the four years, next after General Wash- 
ington's retirement. 

For the next election, Mr. Jefferson's friends selected for 
their candidates, himself and Aaron Burr. On counting the 
votes in congress, they were found to have an equal number, 
which left the choice undecided, and carried it, according to 
the provisions of the constitution, into the house of representa- 
tives. After a long contest in that house, Mr. Jefferson wa?; 
linally elected. 

Mr. Jefferson's administration continued, by a second elec- 
tion, during eight years, and the period was very eventful. 
He introduced the practice of communicating with congress, 
on the opening of the sessions, by message, instead of that 
by a personal address. This practise has been adopted by 
all his successors in that office. 

On his recommendation, the constitution was so altered, as 
that the electors are required to designate the office for each 
person for whom they vote. 

The most prominent measures of his administration were 
the purchase of Louisiana ; the unlimited embargo on the 
commerce and navigation of the United States ; the non-im- 
portation and non-intercourse systems, which successively fol- 
lowed the former ; the building a large number of gun boats ; 
the suppression of Burr's expedition down the Mississippi 
River ; and the sending out an exploring company, on an ex- 
pedition through the newly purchased region between the 
Mississippi River and the Pacific Ocean. 

The period of Mr. Jefferson's administration, was one of 
great difficulty and perplexity, by reason of the belligerent 
state of those nations with which the commerce of the United 
States was connected. On the success of that commerce, 
depended almost entirely, the revenue of the government : 
but to a large extent, fell a sacrifice to the lawless rapacity 
of both. 

When the second term of his presidency had expired, he 
retired to private life, on his estate in Virginia, and devoted 
himself to philosophical pursuits, and the oversight of his farm. 

In a great measure by Mr. Jefferson's influence, the legis- 
lature of Virginia resolved to establish a university in that 
state on a comprehensive scale, and located it in Charlottes- 
ville, in the vicinity of his residence. The commissioners 
fleeted him their chairman. Of -thjs university he was ap. 



VIRGINIA. ' 297 

pointed rector. That office he retained, and exerted himself 
industriously to advance the cause of public education, until 
his decease. This event, vt^hich occurred on the fourth day 
of July, 1826, was connected with several circumstances 
which were remarkable, and which will render it memorable 
for ages; much beyond what would have been the fact, had 
it taken place at a different time. 

It occurred within one hour of just half a century from the 
time when he gave his sanction by his vote, totiie independence 
of the United States — at the moment when his joyful fellow 
citizens were commemorating the fiftieth anniversary of that 
event ; on the day which was celebrated as a Jubilee, and on 
the day, and within a few hours of the time, when his fello^^ 
laborer in procuring its establishment in 1776, and his prede- 
cessor in the offices both of vice president, and president of 
the United States, expired at his residence in Quincy, in Mas- 
sachusetts. 

In regard to Mr. Jefferson's political character, it is well 
known, that his contemporaries differed widely in their views. 
The difference still exists to a considerable extent, and pro 
bably it will be handed down to posterity. His true charac- 
ter will doubtless be more correctly estimated, and better un- 
4lerstood, in some future age, when that generation has passed 
off the stage of life. 



•~>hO@0mx 



BENJAMIN HARRISON. 

The family from which this distinguished gentleman, and 
:?.ealous revolutionary patriot was descended, came to Vir. 
ginia at a very early period of its settlement by Europeans. 
It was not far from the year 1640 that he arrived, and took 
up his residence in the county of Surrey. James River di- 
vides this county from the county of Charles City. An early 
selection of the fertile land bordering on that river, laid the 
foundation of that large estate which has been retained in the 
family, through several generations in succession. An alliance 
by marriage with the family of the king's surveyor general, 
•by one of the members, furnished also a favorable opportu- 
nity, in pursuance of the plan adopted by the first settlers, 
greatly to increase the family estate, by selecting the most 



298 BENJAMIN HARRISON, 

Vtoluable tracts for soil and residence. This opportunity wa* 
readily embraced by his son-in-law, Harrison, and hence 
this family has long been one of the large land holders in 
Virginia. 

Benjamin Harrison, the worthy subject of this memoir, was 
born in Berkley ; but the exact date of his birth has not been 
ascertained. His venerable father resolved to give him a 
classical education, that he might be quahfied to serve his 
generation in a public station, with honor to himself and be- 
nefit to the community. For that purpose he sent him to the 
college of William and Mary ; where he was an under gradu- 
ate at the time of his father's decease. Indeed, he never did 
regularly take a degree ; for having had a controversy with 
one of the professors, he left the institution before the close 
of the usual course of studies in that seminary ; and did not 
return to complete his collegiate education. 

On the death of his father, the care and management 
of a large property devolved on him, then in his mino- 
rity. He was the eldest of six sons, whom his father left at 
his decease ; which was very sudden and melancholy ; he, 
with two of his four daughters, having been struck dead in- 
stantly by lightning, in his mansion house in Berkley. 

Being at the head of one of the most conspicuous and an- 
cient families of the province, he was early elected to a seat 
111 the house of burgesses, in the provincial legislature. This 
look place even before he was strictly eligible, according to 
the provisions of law. 

Early after he became a member of the legislature, he was 
])laced in the speaker's chair. In one instance he was su- 
{>erseded by a rival candidate, whose object was the office 
«>f speaker. Mr. Harrison frustrated him in his views for 
that office, by being returned a member for an adjoining 
county, in which he had extensive estates. When the house 
convened, he was as usual chosen speaker, to the no small 
chagrin and disappointment of his competitor. 

His large property; his extensive connections, which, by 
intermarriages, allied him to a great proportion of the wealthy 
families in the province ; the soundness of his intellect, and 
the decision of his character, amply qualified him for be- 
coming an influential member of the legislative body. 

The royal government at home, having secretly formed 
the design, which they afterwards more openly prosecuted, 
of subjecting the American colonies to their absolute control^ 
had already begun to erect their outworks, that they might 



VIRGINIA. 299 

with a confidence of success, make their subsequent ap- 
proaches with greater security to themselves, and a fuller as- 
mirance of success. With this leading object in view, the 
ministry took care to be informed who, among the men of 
distinction, would best promote their interest in the colonies. 
Their method was to tempt the ambition or cupidity, or both 
together, of individuals, by the covered bribe of an office. The 
office of governor was always held in reserve for some well 
tried favorite, sent out trom England. But anv one of infe- 
rior grade, was a bonus in the hands of the royal governor, 
(subject to ministerial approbation,) to be given to any promi- 
nent voung man, whose influence it was deemed advisable to 
secure in favor of the ministry. In Benjamin Harrison, they 
thought they saw a combination of all those quahtications, 
which would render him peculiarly beneficial in promoting 
their designs on the colony of Virginia, if they could secure 
his adhesion to their views. With this object in view, it was 
proposed to constitute him, though but a youth, a member of 
the executive council of the province. This office was cor» 
respondent with that of the king's privy council ; and it was con- 
sidered the chief, in point of rank, next to that of governor. But 
the attempt did not succeed with young Harrison. Of the pro- 
ccedings in Great Britain, and the measures already disclosed 
bvthe ministrv, he had been an attentive observer. He thoueht 
iie discovered in them sure indications of the system they 
were forming, and of the future course they designed to pur- 
sue, relative to the American colonies. To their projects, of 
course, he was resolutely and firmly opposed on principle. 
And the offer of any office within their power to confer on 
him, was not sufficient to swerve him from pursuing steadily 
and uniformly, the course he had deliberately marked out for 
liimself, relative to his native country. He was therefore 
open in his union with the patriotic burgesses of Virginia, 
and consequently became at once an object as obnoxious to 
the party who courted him, as he liad boen of their favor, and 
caresses. 

Soon after the measures of parliament became suspected, 
and excited distrust in x\merica, even so early as 1764, the 
legislative body of Virginia determined to forward an address 
to the king, a memorial to the house of lords, and a remon- 
strance to the house of commons, relating to resolutions that 
had already been passed ; in which they discovered cause of 
alarm. These resolutions were preliminary to the " Stamp 
act." For the purpose of |)reparing those several papers. 



300 BENJAMIN HARRISON, 

they appointed a committee of several distinguished members 
of their body, on which committee they placed Benjamin 
Harrison. This was done about the middle of November, 
1764. They made their report on the eighteenth of Decem- 
ber following. 

During the period of ten years, which intervened between 
the years 1764 and 1774, he was united in sentiment, and 
acted in harmony, with the first characters in Virginia, at 
that eventful era. Peyton Randolph, the first president of 
<iongress, had married one of his sisters ; and his brother 
William another. Among his political associates may be? 
mentioned, Messrs. Randolph, Wythe, Jefferson, Henry, Brax- 
ton, and others of high distinction; who, nearly foreseeing 
Jhe approaching storm, as faithful watchmen of their country's 
(langer, fanned, nourished, and raised from a small begin- 
ning, the spirit of freedom in Virginia ; until, like an uncon. 
trolled conflagration, it made all resistance yield to its mighty 
power, throughout that extensive province. 

The first convention of delegates from the several counties 
and corporations in Virginia, assembled in Williamsburg on 
the first of August, 1774. This convention, after passing 
several resolutions, strongly indicating the spirit of tlie times, 
entered with warmth and cordiaUty into the plan of calling a 
general congress of delegates from all the colonies, which 
had been proposed by Massachusetts, to meet and consult 
for the good of the whole. They zealously approved of the 
proposal ; and in testimony of it, appointed seven delegates 
to represent Virginia in that assembly. Benjamin Harrison 
was one of the seven. 

Mr. Harrison was present, and took his seat in the first 
congress, on the first day of their session ; and he was grati- 
fied, by the unanimous elevation of a delegate from that 
state, and a near relative, to the office of president of con- 
gress. The session of this congress was short, it having 
been continued less than two months. The members were, 
and they felt themselves to be, placed in a situation where 
every thing was new, and without any guidance from prece- 
dent. It was also a situation full of delicacy and danger; — of 
delicacy, as consisting of delegates from different and distant 
colonies, each having different interests to be consulted, and 
provided for, and actuated by feelings corresponding, and, 
at the same time, involved in one common exposure to evils, 
on account of which all felt alarmed for the general safety ; 
of danger, inasmuch as it behoved them so to conduct, as 



VIRGINIA. 30i 

that their enemies in the country at large, should have no 
occasion to prejudice the people against their proceedings, 
and thus render them and their cause odious. It was also 
important for them to secure the approbation of other na- 
tions ; and throw the blame of ulterior measures on their 
rulers in the British parliament. 

It was, in truth, a kind of preparatory meeting, to which 
every thing was new, and every thing to be commenced. 
The elements were collected ; but they were neither ar- 
ranged nor assimilated. It was necessary to arrange and 
assimilate them; to draw the outlines of a system to be 
pursued contingently; to hold an intercommunication, and 
learn the views and feelings of themselves, and the colo- 
nies they represented ; to arrange a general plan of opera- 
tions ; publish an outline of their proceedings, and a recom- 
mendation of what they deemed immediately expedient for 
the citizens generally ; and return to their constituents to 
prepare them for another congress. This congress may be 
justly considered as a preliminary meeting, pioneering the 
way for those which followed. Considering every thing that 
should be taken into the account, perhaps it may be truly 
affirmed, that a more dignified, wise, and venerable set of 
men. never assembled for the discussion of political subjects, 
m any nation on the globe. 

Soon after their return from congress, another convention 
of delegates from the same sources as the first, met in Rich- 
mond, and Mr. Harrison, having been chosen a member, had 
the satisfaction of seeing all the proceedings of the first con- 
gress approved by that body. 

The patriotic spirit in Virginia at that time, ran high. A 
proposal to adopt certain preparatory measures of defence, 
was introduced, discussed, and finally carried, though op- 
posed as premature and injudicious; while a result of the 
proceedings of the late congress was unknown, and yet pend. 
ing. The proposition was opposed by Mr. Harrison and his 
colleagues in congress, and others who were highly distin- 
guished for their patriotism and intelligence. But when it 
was carried, and Mr. Harrison was placed on the committee 
for carrying it into eflfect, he considered it his duty to yield 
his individual sentiments, and united cordially in promoting 
what was now approved as the policy to be pursued by the 
province. 

By that convention he was again elected a delegate to the 
next congress. According to his appointment, he took his 

26 



a02 BENJAMIN HARRISON, 

seat in the second congress early in May, 1775. At this 
time, the only members present from Virginia, were George 
Washington, Peyton Randolph, and Benjamin Harrison, 
Mr. Randolph was the president of congress. The session 
had but just commenced before the president, who was also 
speaker of the house of burgesses in his native province, was 
called to attend to discharge the duties of that office, and was 
necessitated to leave congress and return to Virginia. Gene- 
ral Washington having taken the command of the American 
army in Massachusetts, Mr. Harrison only remained to re- 
present Virginia, in congress. Mr. Randolph's decease in 
the autumn of 1775, left a vacancy in the othce of presi- 
dent. Mr. Hancock, a delegate from Massachusetts, had 
recently taken his seat. His patriotic exertions at home 
were well known and highly estimated ; and his exclusion 
from pardon by the royal governor's proclamation, directed 
the attention of congress to him as successor to Mr. Ran- 
dolph, in the president's chair. He was unanimously chosen 
TO that high and honorable office. 

• It has been observed, that the principal business in the old 
congress was submitted to committees, appointed for tho- 
roughly investigating the subjects referred to them, arranging 
their details, and presenting them in the form of a report. 
The whole concerns of the war department, of the finance 
department, dec. &c. was transacted by a board, or commit- 
tee, without the aid of a secretary to either. On this general 
principle, Mr. Harrison was much employed on committees, 
which had a superintendence of military operations, and 
supplies. He was appointed early in the second congress 
on a committee, to devise ways and means for putting the 
militia in a proper condition for defending the country. 
This was a laborious and difficult task, by reason of a total 
destitution of arrangement ; and an almost equal destitution 
of regular discipline among the militia, in the colonies, at 
that period. The report of that committee, after some amend- 
ments, constituted the basis of the militia system pursued 
through the war. • 

Congress adjourned on the first of August ; and on the 
eleventh of the same month Mr. Harrison was chosen a third 
time to the same office. By reason of the strong interest he 
had manifested in whatever related to the military concerns of 
the country, he was selected to take an active part in that 
portion of the public business. Congress deemed it necessary 
tt) hold a personal conference with the commander in chiet^ 



VIRGINIA. 303 

and the governors of the New England states, by means of 
a deputation from their body. Mr. Harrison was appointed 
one of that deputation, and he with his colleagues, imme- 
diately repaired to Cambridge, in Massachusetts, where the 
head quarters of the commander in chief then were. There, 
and on that occasion, the plan for continuing, supporting, and 
regulating the continental army was devised. Immediately 
after that mission had closed, and he had reached the seat ot 
government, a similar service was resigned to him, relative 
to the troops that were required for the defence of South 
Carolina and New York. 

Hitherto the attention of congress had been confined prin- 
cipally to the internal concerns of the country. But it 
became more and more apparent, that the conflict would be 
both arduous and protracted ; and congress felt the necessity 
of preparing for such consequences as were anticipated, in 
the best way they were able. 

The government began near the close of 1775, cautiously 
to open a correspondence abroad, with a view to extend its 
political relations to the rival powers of Great Britain, on the 
European continent, preparatory to procuring aid and suc« 
cours from them, such as might become indispensable for 
\merica, if the war should become a general one over the 
country. This correspondence could not be carried on 
openly, according to the established forms of diplomacy be- 
tween independent nations. America had not taken the 
ground of independence, and was viewed as in a state of re- 
bellion against its la\vful sovereign ; although the state of 
things was not contemplated with an unfavorable eye, by the 
European states, especially France and Spain. And it may 
be supposed that the 'people of Holland did not deeply regret 
any loss that might be derived to England, in consequence of 
the struggle. It is highly probable that a separation of the 
colonies from Great Britain, and an establishment of an inde- 
])endent government, was contemplated even at that time, by 
well informed people, on both sides of the Atlantic. 

With a view to organizing a plan of operations, preparatory 
to seeking directly the aid they foresaw must be obtained, in 
ihe event that the opening conflict was to be continued for 
some years, congress instituted a committee of foreign corre- 
spondence, which might perhaps be correctly considered as a 
board for carrying on indirect diplomatic intercourse. Its du- 
ties, as specified in the resolution by which it was constituted;^ 
were to hold correspondence with the friends of the Americans 



304 BENJAMIN HARRISON 

in Great Britain, Ireland, and other parts of the world ; which 
was to be submitted to congress from time to time, and was 
to be sustained at the pubhc expense. Mr. Harrison was 
chairman of that committee. Thus cautiously, and with such 
wisdom, prudence, and discretion, did the early American 
congress proceed in conducting the great business in which 
they had engaged ; with few hghts of experience before them, 
and a responsibility resting on them, the amount of which 
can hardly be estimated. Every thing which congress un- 
dertook, at that early stage of its existence, was done by 
committees. All the foreign intercourse, by official corre- 
spondence on the part of congress, was performed by that 
board, until the spring of 1777. Then a committee of foreign 
affairs was organized, with a secretary appointed by con- 
gress, to whom a permanent salary was paid. 

Mr. Harrison was hardly inducted into this office, before 
congress deputed him on a mission to Maryland, to counter- 
act, in connection with other patriots in that province, the in- 
cursions of Lord Dunmore, the royal governor of Virginia, 
who had the preceding year been driven from that province. 
Being compelled to vacate his official station, and to retire, in 
the indulgence of a vindictive spirit, he collected a number of 
adherents to the royal cause, consisting to a great extent of 
low and worthless characters ; and with them, armed and man- 
ned a number of small vessels. Thus equipped, he selected the 
shores of the Chesapeake for the theatre of their operations. 
Their employment was, to invade the peaceable inhabitant 
living along both sides of that extensive bay, and capture and 
pillage the defenceless inhabitants, and fill the region with 
consternation and wretchedness. 

Mr. Harrison promptly attended to the duties of his mis- 
sion ; and, although the means for repulsion at his command 
were very small, yet by a wise and judicious application of 
them, he in a great measure succeeded in counteracting the 
plans of his lordship, for spreading distress and ruin among 
the inhabitants in that exposed region. 

It is deemed unnecessary to give a minute detail of al! 
the particular services to which he was designated. They 
were both interesting and important, intimately connected 
with the achievment of our independence, and the countless 
blessings resulting therefrom. But, still the detail would not 
add any peculiar interest to a sketch of his life. Suffice it 
then to remark, that he was placed on almost every commit- 
tee for promoting in various ways, and by all practicable 



VIRGINIA. 305 

sneans, the military and naval service of the country, during 
the term he served in the continental congress. In them all. 
Mr. Harrison was among the most intelligent and prominent 
actors ; and the services he rendered to the cause of his coun- 
try, both in the hall of congress, and by journeyings to dis- 
tant parts of the continent, on special missions, were arduous, 
and almost incessant. 

The first measure of congress, preparatory to the Declara- 
tion of Independence, and decisive of the warlike attitude 
which they intended to assume and maintain, was the act au- 
thorizing the issuing of letters of marque, and for fortifying 
some ports for the protection of American cruisers and their 
prizes. 

The business of fortifying these ports was assigned to a 
committee, of which Mr. Harrison was the chairman. He 
was also chairman of the committee on the Canada expedi- 
tion. The committee of fourteen members, whose duty it 
was, in connection with the general officers of the army, to 
arrange a plan for the campaign for 1776, recognized him as 
their chairman. It was soon found that a business so much 
extended and diversified, as the military concerns of the 
country had become, required a- more permanent superinten- 
dence than occasional committees, the system hitherto adopts 
ed ; and a board of war and ordnance was organized in 
June, 1776. This board consisted of five members of con- 
gress, and a secretary, on whom the whole superintendence 
of the duties of that department were devolved. Of this board, 
Mr. Harrison was early appointed chairman, an office which 
he sustained during his continuance in congress. 

He was very frequently called to preside over the delibe- 
rations of congress, as chairman of that body, when acting 
in " committee of the whole ;" and was in the cliair, during 
the discussions on the great subject of independence. 

The almost constant appointment of Mr. Harrison to what 
was then viewed a highly honorable station, during the consi- 
deration of the most interesting, delicate, and important sub- 
jects — that of declaring the states free and independent, 
and the confederation of the states ; may serve to show the 
high, and honorable estimation in which he was held by all 
the members of the house, and indicative of the satisfactory 
manner in which he presided over their deliberations. 

While Mr. Harrison was absent from Virginia, attending 
congress, the general convention had met in Richmond ; and 
beside forming a constitution of state government, they re- 



306 BENJAMIN HARRISON, 

solved to elect but five, instead of seven delegates to congress, 
as they had done before. Mr. Harrison was not included in 
the number, tvho were elected to the next congress. His 
term of service expired in August. That convention had as- 
sembled in June. He was appointed, however, to a high of- 
fice in the state, under their new go?ernment. In that, there 
were recognized eight counsellors of state ; and he was 
unanimously appointed one of that council. It has been sug- 
gested that he was left out of their delegation to congress, by I 
reason of a disaffection which some part of his conduct had 
excited, when he was a member. With that question the 
writer has nothing to do. If it was so, its effects were of 
short continuance. For on the resignation of Mr. Jefferson, 
"which occurred soon after, Mr. Harrison was chosen to sup- 
})ly the vacancy, on the tenth of October following, with but 
live dissenting votes. 

By that neglect he was absent from congress about three 
months ; but immediately on his return, he was replaced in 
all the offices he had sustained, and others were added of 
much interest, and great importance. 

If he had been unpopular in Virginia for a short time, by 
reason of any cause, the excitement against him soon passed 
away ; insomuch that he was returned a member of congress 
again in May, 1777, by a joint ballot of both houses of their 
legislature. 

Although it is acknowledged, that all the members of con- 
gress were active and useful ; and all have both merited and 
received the gratitude of posterity, yet it must be admitted 
that few, if any individuals in that memorable assembly were 
more industrious, or more extensively useful, than Benjamin 
Harrison. 

At one period of the revolutionary war, it may be recol- 
lected that the " Friends^^ who hold it to be morally wrong 
to engage in war, were pressed to take up arms in defence 
of their country. There were some ardent individuals in 
congress, who were not disposed to grant an indulgence of 
the kind to the members of that respectable portion of the 
Christian community. The perilous condition, and urgent 
necessities which then pressed the government, were thought 
to constitute a sufficient ground to justify a resort to compul- 
sory measures, for bringing the Quakers to take up arms, or 
to provide substitutes. This meeting with a steady opposi- 
tion from the " Friends," led to the arrest of some of their 
number in Philadelphia. In this state of the business, Mr. 



VIRGINIA. 307 

Harrison, though an ardent supporter of the war himself, 
interposed as a mediator ; and in their estimation, he saved 
them from " persecution," by his prudent management and 
influence. His successful efforts in their behalf, were grate- 
fully acknowledged by those who were rescued from their 
threatened peril, by his timely interposition in their favor. 

In the latter part of the year 1777, Mr. Harrison for vari- 
ous and important reasons, expressed his wish to leave con- 
gress, and return to his native residence in Virginia. He had 
been in congress more than three years ; and all that time 
actively employed in attending to business for the public, to 
the almost entire exclusion of his own private affairs. His 
fortune had been impaired during that time. And his servi- 
ces were much needed in his native state. He tendered his 
resignation and returned to Virginia, where he was received 
with warm expressions of respect and esteem by the inhabi- 
tants. 

His grateful fellow citizens in his native county, at once 
returned him a member of the house of burgesses, and that 
assembly immediately elected him their speaker. This sta- 
tion he continued to occupy till 1782, without interruption. 
He had other offices of honorable distinction conferred on him 
by the legislature of Virginia. One of these was that of 
*' county lieutenant," corresponding to the king's lieutenant 
under the old government, when Virginia was a royal colony. 
This appointment constituted him commander of the military, 
and a presiding judge in all the civil courts of the county. 
In fact, with the title of " colonel," he was by office the chief 
magistrate of the county, civil and military. 

His active services for the rehef of Virginia at that gloomy 
period, when she was first invaded by Arnold, and then by 
Cornwallis, are gratefully recognized by the inhabitants, and 
will continue to be so long as history presents to them the 
record of his sacrifices, and unwearied patriotic exertions 
for her benefit. 

In 1782, Mr. Harrison succeeded Mr. Nelson as governor 
of the state. The situation was both critical and perplexing. 
And although the chief magistrate of so large a state, by rea- 
son of the revulsions which were caused by the approaching 
restoration of peace, was necessarily involved in many per- 
plexing and embarrassing conditions, Mr. Harrison managed 
the public affairs with so much energy and discretion, that he 
was one of the most popular governors that had ever occupied 
that high office in the state. He served his state in that 



308 BENJAMIN HARRISON, 

capacity two successive terms, until he became constitution- 
ally ineligible. He then returned to private life. But his 
fellow citizens did not suffer him to remain long in that situa- 
tion. Immediately, and without his knowledge, they announced 
him a candidate to represent them in the house of burgesses. 
This was the instance before mentioned, in which he failed 
of an election by the intrigues of a rival, who was anxious to 
be returned, that he might be chosen speaker. He knew 
that he could not succeed in the last object of his ambition, if 
Mr. Harrison should be elected. He was frustrated, however, 
by Mr. Harrison's being chosen for an adjoining county, and 
immediately elected speaker, on the house coming together. 

When the federal constitution had been framed, he was 
a member of the Virginia convention, to which it was submit- 
ted for adoption. 

In the year 1790, having again become eligible, he was 
announced as a candidate for the office of governor. But 
he opposed the nomination, because the office had been held 
but two years by the then governor, Beverley Randolph ; and 
Mr. Harrison thought the opposition to his re-election was 
unreasonable, and would not by any act of his countenance 
it. And it was by his instrumentality that Mr, Randolph was 
re-elected, who was not only an amiable man, but a warm 
personal friend of Mr. Harrison. He even carried his gene- 
rous friendship for governor Randolph so far, as to prevail 
with his own son, wao was also a member, to vote for him, 
in opposition to himself. He was designated as a candidate 
for the office, after his friend's term had elapsed. 

The gout had attacked him some years before. In 1791, 
it assumed a sudden and alarming appearance. He par- 
tially recovered from its effects at that time ; so that he 
was again elected to the legislature in 1791. The day 
after this election, which was unanimous, he had invited a 
party of his friends to dine with him ; and they congratulated 
him on his being the next governor of Virginia. But his 
days were already numbered. That very night he experi- 
enced a relapse ; and the following day, with composure and 
resignation, he breathed his last. 

He was married in early life, to Miss Elizabeth Bassett, 
a daughter of Colonel William Bassett, and a niece of Mrs. 
Washington. She survived her husband only one year. She 
was considered in her youth as a beautiful person, and is 
still remembered as having been at a later period, a woman 
of eminent piety and benevolence; thus uniting in person 



VIRGINIA. 309 

and character, the brightest ornaments of the female cha- 
racter. 

His offspring were numerous, but several of them died at 
their birth, or in early infancy. Seven survived to adult 
years ; three sons and four daughters. Wilham Henry Har- 
rison, lately minister to the republic of Colombia, is his 
youngest son. 

He inherited a large fortune from his father ; and accord- 
ing to the old English law of primogeniture, he twice received 
a large addition to it by the decease of relatives. His for- 
tune suffered considerable diminutions, by reason of the 
adversity of the times, and some unsuccessful speculations of 
his own. But he still possessed the means of sustaining the 
general reputation of southern hospitality on a very liberal 
scale. His residence in Berkeley, was the resort of respect- 
able strangers, who visited his neighborhood, where they 
were received with a cordial welcome, and entertained with 
the liberal hospitality still characteristic of a Virginia planter. 

His talents as a statesman were of the solid and useful 
kind, rather than brilliant. He rarely took any distinguished 
part in the debates in congress ; but was emphatically a 
man of business. 

Such was Benjamin Harrison — a sincere and warm-hearted 
friend ; an upright, intelligent, and active statesman ; an in- 
dexible, resolute patriot, and a high-minded honorable man. 
And his name, inscribed on the great charter of American 
freedom, will be handed down to posterity with undiminished 
respect and gratitude. 



-w«tO@9«m- 



THOMAS NELSON, JUN. 

William Nelson, the father of Thomas Nelson, was of 
English extract. The family had, on their emigration to 
America, settled at York, in Virginia, where he established 
himself at a suitable age, in mercantile business. By perse- 
vering industry, care, and prudence, he accumulated a large 
property. 

Thomas Nelson, the subject of this sketch, was the oldest 
son of his parents. He was born at their residence in York, 
December the 26th, 1738. In 1753, when he had entered 



310 THOMAS NELSON, JUN. 

on his fifteenth year, his father, according to the prevailing 
fashion among gentlemen of affluence at the south, sent him 
to England for his education. He was placed under the 
charge of a Mr. Newcomb, a gentleman who kept a private 
school in a village a short distance from London. After 
spending a sufficient time, prosecuting his preparatory studies 
under that careful preceptor, he was removed to Cambridge, 
and was entered a member of Trinity College ; and in that 
station he was placed under the instruction, as his private 
tutor, of the late justly celebrated Doctor Proteus, afterwards 
bishop of London. 1 1 

In this pleasant situation, enjoying the esteem and mstruc- 
(ions of his distinguished tutor, connected with the ample 
means for acquiring an education, which are furnished in an 
English university, he continued his literary pursuits until 
1761, when he returned to America. 

The first notice of his appearance in public life, is in 1774, 
at which date he was a member of the provincial house of 
burgesses, in his native colony. This was the session of that 
body, in which several spirited resolutions were passed, 
strongly disapproving the " Boston port and fishery bill." 

In consequence of these proceedings of the house of bur- 
gesses. Lord Dunmore, the royal governor of Virginia, to 
show his displeasure, and to prevent further disloyal pro- 
ceedings, exercised his vice regal authority, and by procla- 
mation dissolved the assembly. This act of the governor, 
the legality of which was not contested, only served more 
highly to excite the public feelings. Eighty. nine of the mem- 
bers, among whom was Nelson, assembled the following day 
at a neighboring tavern, and formed the celebrated associa- 
tion, which spoke with more boldness, and in a more effi- 
cient manner to the supremacy of his lordship, than the reso- 
lutions passed by the assembly of burgesses. They declared 
that their rights had been unwarrantably invaded ; that they 
would persevere in withholding all commercial intercourse 
with Great Britain ; and that they recommended the appoint- 
ment of delegates to meet in a general congress. Shortly 
after the dissolution of the assembly by Lord Dunmore, an- 
other was elected, to which Mr. Nelson was returned a mem- 
ber by the same county, which he had before represented. 
The royal displeasure against the last legislative assembly, 
so summarily manifested by his lordship, did not intimidate 
or discourage the patriotic members, nor their constituents. 
On the contrary, it rather increased their determination to 



! 



VIRGINIA. 311 

persevere in their oppositi«n to the arbitrary proceedings of 
the British parUament ; and stimulated them to an exercise 
of greater vigilance, relative to all their measures, which 
were to have a bearing on the inhabitants of the American 
provinces. Mr. Nelson's constituents immediately elected 
him a member of the first general convention of Virginia ; 
which met at WiUiamsburgh in the beginning of August, 1774. 
This act clearly indicated their approbation of his conduct, 
in the meeting of the eighty-nine members of the recently 
dissolved assembly ; and it might have convinced his lordship, 
and the other supporters of parliamentary supremacy, that 
there was a spirit roused among the people that would not 
easily be quelled nor intimidated. 

Mr. Nelson was appointed in the spring of 1775, a mem- 
ber of a second general convention. In this assembly he 
exhibited the same boldness of spirit, and the same readiness 
to promote and encourage such preparatory measures for 
protecting and defending the colonies, against oppression and 
invasion, which had characterized him in the preceding as- 
semblies of that description. Indeed, his conduct on this 
occasion, by its boldness, alarmed some of his personal 
friends, and decided patriotic coadjutors, in the cause of the 
people against their oppressors. 

What so greatly alarmed Mr. Nelson's friends, when he 
proposed it, was a proposition to organize a military force in 
the province. It was at that time truly, a bold measure ; but 
he had the support of Mr. Henry, Richard Henry Lee, and 
some others to uphold him in his resolution ; and Mr. Henry 
brought forward a series of resolutions, in which the plan for 
carrying that proposal into operation, was placed before the 
convention in its details. It was warmly debated. In that 
debate Mr. Nelson fearlessly advocated its adoption ; and 
engaged, if the resolutions were adopted, to exert his per- 
sonal efforts for carrying the measure into full effect, in the 
region where he held a command in the militia. They were 
adopted by the convention ; and he redeemed his pledge. 
From that moment the course which Virginia would pursue in 
the event of open hostilities, was no longer doubtful. 

The design which the ministry had secretly formed, for 
taking possession of the ammunition and military stores, that 
had been collected and deposited in magazines in the several 
provinces, was soon divulged, by attempts on the part of 
several of the governors to carry it into effect, by means of 
an armed force. This furnished full evidence, which more 



312 THOMAS NELSON, JUN. ^ 



) 



effectually than a thousand arguments, convinced the people 
of the wisdom, and prudent foresight of those, who had led in 
that bold and alarming measure, and clearly satisfied them of 
its necessity. 

A third general convention was convened in July of the 
same year, at the city of Richmond. The late conduct I j 
of Governor Dunmore, relative to the powder in the ma- 
gazine at Williamsburgh, and his subsequent retreat on 
board of an English man of war, as a place of refuge, clearly . , 
admonished the people of Virginia, that the time for concilia- n 
tion was passed by; and that it became them then to act. 
Accordingly, that convention assumed an attitude, with refer- ■ j 
ence to the measures of the British government, which would 
admit of no doubt about their ultimate determination, if the 
king and parliament persisted in their arbitrary course to- 
wards the American colonies. They divided the province 
into military districts; directed the number of men to be 
raised in each ; appointed Mr. Henry to the command of one 
regiment ; Mr. Nelson to the command of another ; and Mr. 
William Woodford to that of a third — each with the commis- 
sion of colonel. 

In August, the same convention proceeded in their busi- 
ness, and appointed delegates to congress for the term of one 
year. Several causes had concurred in producing three 
vacancies in the Virginia representation. In electing their , 
delegates for the year, these vacancies were to be filled ; I 
and Colonel Thomas Nelson, Jun. was appointed to supply 
one of them. He took his seat in congress on the thirteenth 
day of September, 1775. On almost all subjects his feelings 
were naturally ardent. While in congress, however, he took 
but little part in debate ; but was actively employed on com- 
mittees ; and his services were rendered with punctuality and 
fidelity. His perception was quick ; his determinations were 
promptly made ; and when formed, they were adhered to 
with a perseverance which no obstacle could turn aside. 

His public services were manifestly acceptable to his con- 
stituents at home ; for, during his absence at Philadelphia, the 
convention of Virginia reappointed him a delegate to con- 
gress for the year following, viz. 1776. During that period 
he set his name to the Declaration of Independence. 

On the second day of May, 1777, an event occurred which 
alarmed him and his friends in the house ; and for a time, 
suspended his attention to public business entirely. While 
sitting in his seat in the hall of congress he was suddenly 



VIRGINIA. 313 

seized with a J)ainful attack in his head, which obhged him 
immediately to retire to a private dwelhng. It impaired, and 
for a time nearly suspended his memory. 

It was with difficulty that he could be prevailed with to 
withdraw at that time from the scene of his public duties, 
even for the recovery of his health ; so desirous was he of 
rendering every assistance to the great cause in which he 
had engaged. He remained in Philadelphia for some time, 
with a hope that a speedy recovery would obviate the neces- 
sity for his retiring. But this proved delusive; and he yielded 
to the necessity of the case, returned to Virginia, and when 
the convention assembled, he resigned his seat. 

His return to Virginia, however, at the same time that it 
contributed to a partial restoration of his health, proved to be 
a transfer of his services from one active theatre of public 
service to another, although of a different kind from that in 
which he had hitherto been engaged. Intelligence was com- 
municated to the governor and council of Virginia, that a 
British fleet had arrived on their coast, and was then within 
the capes of Virginia. The militia of the commonwealth 
were ordered to march to the exposed points of attack with all 
possible expedition ; and Colonel Nelson was immediately 
appointed by the governor and council, brigadier general and 
commander in chief of the military forces of the state. This 
appointment he accepted, but generously declined receiving 
any emoluments from the office. His popularity in the state 
was almost unbounded ; and the appointment of him to the 
chief command of their military forces was universally popu- 
lar and acceptable. The sudden alarm, however, passed 
away without any other service for the militia, than that of 
assembling, as Sir William Howe did not visit Virginia at that 
time, but moved his fleet forward up the Chesapeake Bay. 

About this time a motion was made in the legislature of 
Virginia, to sequester the debts due in that state to English 
merchants. The proposition was to collect the money from 
the debtors, and have it deposited in the state treasury. By 
many it was warmly advocated. But by General Nelson it 
was warmly and inflexibly opposed. This was in conformity 
to his uniform character, and will redound to his honor, so 
long as integrity, justice, and morality hold their standing 
among human virtues. 

While the subject was under discussion in the legislature, 
of which he was then a member, he said, " I hope, for the 
reasons I have assigned, this bill will not pass ; but whatever 

27 



314 THOMAS NELSON, JUN. 

may be its fate, I solemnly declare, I will pay my debts like 
an honest man." 

At this period the finances of the country were exhausted ; 
the credit of congress was gone ; and the American army re- 
duced, and threatened with annihilation ; and it was never 
more necessary to have it not only recruited, but greatly in- 
creased, to meet and repel the dangers with which the coun- 
try was threatened. In these circumstances, congress made 
an appeal to the honor and patriotism of the young men of 
property, and honorable standing in society, in the several 
states, as far south as to include North Carolina. When the 
appeal was published in Virginia, General Nelson entered 
into the measure with his characteristic ardor in his own state. 
He published an animating address on the subject, and suc- 
ceeded in raising a voluntary corps of about seventy young 
men, to some of whom he opened his own purse, to enable 
those who were unable to equip themselves ; and furnished a 
number of them with the means of defraying their expenses, 
while repairing to the army, under the immediate command 
of General Washington. At the head of this spartan band, 
whose commander he became, although then a general offi- 
cer, he proceeded to Baltimore, and thence to Philadelphia, 
where they held themselves in readiness to move on to head 
quarters at command. But a change of circumstances having 
unexpectedly occurred, and their services not being especially 
demanded, after receiving the public thanks of congress, they 
returned to their homes. In this enterprise. General Nelson 
suffered the loss of a large sum of money, which his generous 
patriotism induced him to advance in aid of the government, 
which was never repaid to him. 

The active bodily exercise which these calls required, pro- 
duced a beneficial effect on his health. He became so much 
recruited, and invigorated by it, that the people again solicited 
him to become a delegate to congress. He consented ; and 
once more took his seat in that assembly, on the eighteenth 
day of February, 1779. But he was suffered to remain 
only a short time in that service. In April following, another 
attack of his former complaint was experienced by him ; and 
after a short time, increasing infirmity, and a hopeless pros- 
pect of being able to pursue his business, together with the 
advice of physicians, prevailed with him to return to his home. 

But even bodily infirmity, so long as it did not absolutely 
disable him, was not sufficient to cause him to be inactive. 
Indeed, the time and the condition of Virginia, did not edmit 



VIRGINIA. 315 

of rest to any one who could be active ; and nothing short of 
insurmountable necessity would permit a man of the feelings 
of General Nelson, to remain inactive under the then existing 
circumstances of his native state. 

In the month of May, the British entered on a predatory 
system of warfare, which they commenced in Virginia, by 
visiting a part of the state with a squadron, which sailed first 
to Portsmouth near Norfolk. They destroyed that village by 
burning the houses and stores, and plundering every thing 
they could carry away. Similar depredations and ravages 
were extended to a number of other places. A great alarm 
was excited ; and General Nelson, notwithstanding his im- 
paired health, immediately, and with the greatest personal 
activity, collected a military force, and marched them to 
Yorktown; afterwards the theatre of Cornwallis's capture. 
There it was believed they would make landing to pursue 
their system of destruction ; and the force was marched thi- 
ther for its defence. But the enemy, after effecting their ob- 
ject in the vicinity of Norfolk, returned to New York. This 
sudden call of the militia, subjected some families to great in- 
convenience, by the absence of their active members, and 
the consequent neglect of their agricultural business. On 
this occasion, the characteristic benevolence of General Nel- 
son was not omitted. During their necessary absence, the ge- 
neral sent his slaves, and other domestics to labor for their 
support, and supply their deficiency during their necessary 
absence from home» 

His liberal and disinterested patriotism was continually 
manifested, by new instances of devotedness to it. One more 
will be mentioned. It is worthy of notice ; and it is but a fair 
sample of his general character. 

In June, 1780, the arrival of the French fleet and arma- 
ment was momentarily expected. It was of vast importance 
that congress should make provision for them on their arrival. 
For this a sum of money was necessary, which they could 
not command. The credit of congress was prostrate ; and 
that of Virginia, in but a little more desirable condition. In 
these circumstances, the state undertook to borrow two mil- 
lions of dollars for the aid of congress ; that it might be able 
to make the necessary accommodation which the exigency 
required. General Nelson opened a subscription for this 
purpose. Calling on several friends, they declared that they 
would not lend the governor a shilling on the security of the 
commonwealth ; but they would lend Mm all they could possi- 



316 THOMAS NELSON, JUN. 

bly raise. He immediately added his own personal secu. 
vity to that of the state ; and thus succeeded in raising a 
large pro^>ortion of the sum required. Such conduct is wor- 
thy of the perpetual remembrance and gratitude of the Ame- 
rican people. 

By this and other similar patriotic exertions to aid the 
public in its impoverished state, General Nelson suffered 
serious pecuniary losses, and materially impaired the ample 
fortune, with which he commenced his honorable career. 
But he never relaxed his exertions. He had, at the begin- 
ning, anticipated sufferings and sacrifices, in effecting the in- 
dependence of his country ; and he prepared his mind to 
meet and sustain them. 

In the spring of 1781, the storm of war seemed to burst 
on Virginia. Philips and Arnold hovered along her coast 
with a flotilla, and threatened to ravage wherever they could 
effect a landing. Cornwallis was marching over the southern 
counties, with an army which no force at command could 
withstand. While General Nelson was actively employed 
in effecting plans for opposing the enemy, and continually 
engaged as a military officer, he was called to discharge the 
high civil duties of the executive of the state. Mr. Jeffer- 
son had held the office of governor ; but his term had ex- 
pired ; and General Nelson was appointed his successor. 
But the times and condition of the state required Governor 
Nelson to assume the command of all the military forces he 
could collect, and uniting in himself the two offices of go- 
vernor of the state, and commander in chief of the militia, 
he marched in the latter capacity, and formed a junction with 
General La Fayette, who had been sent to Virginia with a 
body of continental troops, to check the ravages of the ene- 
my. Raving joined the general. Governor Nelson immedi- 
ately put himself under his command ; and thus secured 
harmony of action in the united army. 

At the time when the British were ravaging Virginia, and 
making sudden incursions in one place after another, driven 
from their place of regular meeting by the vigilant Tarleton^ 
the legislature passed a law investing the governor and ex- 
ecutive council with the powers of government. But the 
executive council had been dismembered. Two of the eight 
had been captured by Tarleton ; two others had resigned ; 
and the other four were so situated with respect to the go- 
vernor, that it was impracticable for him to avail himself of 
their legal advice. The government therefore virtually de- 



VIRGLNIA. 317 

volved on him individually. In these circumstances he was ne- 
cessitated to exercise it in his own name, and by his sole autho- 
rity. The safety of the people demanded this at his hands ; 
and yet it impelled him to do, at times, what was not strictly 
legal. Complaints were afterwards made of his conduct ; 
and the subject was brought to an investigation. The state- 
ment he rendered to the legislature satisfied that body ; and 
they immediately passed a law, legalizing his measures at that 
time, and indemnifying him against all future responsibility. 

By great efforts Governor Nelson kept his forces together, 
vmtil the capture of Lord Cornwallis's army at Yorktown, de- 
cided the long conflict in favor of the American cause. 
To do this, he exerted his personal influence, his official 
authority, and the resources of his private fortune to their 
utmost extent. And, to all these, he added his presence at 
the head of the miliiia, in the siege of Yorktown, and shared 
with them the toils, deprivations, dangers, and honors of that 
glorious achievement. 

Governor Nelson had a handsome house in the town ; and 
during the siege, he observed that while the American artil- 
lerists demolished other dwellings, his remained uninjured. 
It was at this rime filled with a large number of British officers, 
who were at the moment seated at the dinner table, enjoying 
their entertainment. The governor inquired why his house 
was spared ? The reply was, out of respect for the proprietor. 
He begged that that fact might make no difference. A well 
directed fire from some of the American artillerv,killed at the 
first discharge two of the officers, and soon dislodged the 
rest of the company, and effectually put an end to their 
conviviality. 

After the victory was achieved. General Washington, in 
his account of it, made a very honorable acknowledgement 
of the valuable services of Governor Nelson, and the militia 
under his command during the siege, in securing its impor- 
tant issue. 

At the end of a month after the capture of Cornwallis, Gov. 
Nelson found his health so feeble, and his constitution so much 
impaired, that he resigned his office ; and his resignation 
was accepted. He once more returned to private life. But 
the repose which he sought was not then realized ; for it was 
at this time that the accusations before mentioned, of mal- 
administration of his office, were presented against him. 
And these, it was, which led to his honorable exculpation 

27* 



318 FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE, 

by the legislature ; and the passage of an act giving to all hi^j 
measures during his administration the sanction of law. 

He now resolved to retire wholly from public service, and 
spend the remainder of his life with his family. For this 
purpose he went to an estate which he owned at Offly, in 
the county of Hanover. Here, in the tranquil scenes of 
rural life, surrounded by his family, he received not only his 
numerous friends and strangers from distant parts of his 
own country, who called to visit him, but foreigners of dis- 
tinction. 

After this retirement, General Nelson was no more en. 
gaged in public life. He lived entirely in retirement ; and 
spent the remainder of his life alternately at Offly on his 
farm, and in his mansion at York. But his health gradually 
continued to decline until 1789, when he died at his residence 
in Hanover county, on the fourth day of January, at the age 
of fifty years. 



•— <Hd@9^**~ 



FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE. 

Francis Lightfoot Lee, the fourth son of Thomas Lee of 
Virginia, and brother of Richard Henry Lee, one of the most 
distinguished patriots, and eloquent advocates of American 
Independence, was born on the fourteenth day of October, 
1734. 

According to the fashion of that age, with gentlemen of 
fortune in tlie southern provinces, the elder sons of Thomas 
Lee were sent to England for their education. But Francis 
%vas of too tender an age, at the decease of his father, to 
be sent abroad, and was favored with only what was justly 
deemed secondary advantages for procuring a classical edu- 
cation at home. 

Happily for young Francis, his tutor was a Scottish clergy- 
man, of a good character, a man of science, and a correct 
classical scholar, and who not only made his pupil a good 
scholar, but imbued him with an early taste for reading, and 
mental investigation, unusual at his age, and especially among 
those who possess all the means of indulging in the fashion- 
able pleasures. While many promising youths have pressed 
forward the course of dissipation, young Lee was, under the 



1 



VIRGINIA. Sl^ 

miiuence and counsel of his judicious instructor, gaining a 
stock of valuable knowledge, which laid a foundation for the 
course of usefulness and honor, which marked his subsequeni 
career in life. 

His brothers, who had been to England to receive the bene- 
fit of English schools, and the polish of English society, re- 
turning about the time when he attained to manhood, pre- 
sented such models for imitation, as seem to have enkindled 
a desire to emulate them in the acquisition of knowledge, as 
well as in highly polished manners. 

The ample fortune left him by his father, precluded a ne- 
cessity for seeking a profession, as a means for his support. 

Feeling, in common with his brethren, that warm and pa- 
triotic attachment to his country, which was strongly charac- 
teristic of his family, Francis Lightfoot Lee, amid the youth- 
ful pursuit of whatever gratification he desired, had his mind 
arrested by the gathermg storm ; and his efforts were exerted 
for effecting the best security against the desolating effects 
of its violence, whenever it might burst on the colonies. 

Closely associated with his brother Richard Henry, and 
implicitly confiding in his superior wisdom and judgment, 
Francis had frequent opportunities of listening to his ani- 
mating eloquence, and oracular harangues, by which he 
early and perseveringly attempted to rouse up his neighbors 
to a just view of their dangers, and to kindle in them a spirit 
of daring and determined resistance, similar to that which 
animated his own breast. To these Francis listened with 
attention and profit. His fascinating pursuits after pleasure 
were soon relinquished, that he might engage in others of 
higher interest, and more enduring consequences. 

While his brother was returned a member of the Virginia 
house of burgesses, for the county of Westmoreland, in which 
he resided, Francis, holding his property in Loudoun county, 
offered himself a candidate fotr representing his fellow citi- 
zens of that county, in the same legislative assembly. He 
was successful ; and he took his seat in that body about the 
year 1765 — the period in which apprehensions of the Ame- 
rican colonists were first awakened to the insidious designs 
of the British parliament upon their rights, in the memorable 
" Stamp act." By the periodical election of his fellow citi- 
zens, Mr. Lee was returned a member of the house of bur- 
gesses ; and he continued to occupy his seat in that body 
until the year 1772. 
^ Having, in the mean time, formed a connection by mar^ 



320 FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE, ^ 

riage with the daughter of Colonel John Taylor, of Rich, 
mond, he removed thither, and made that city the place of ^ 
his permanent residence ; and when the term of service had 
expired, for which he had been returned by the citizens of 
Loudoun county, he was elected a member for Richmond. jf 

While he remained a member of the house of burgesses, 
m the Virginia legislature, he continued to unite his efforts 
to those of his brother and Patrick Henry, to rouse his patri- 
otic countrymen from their inattention to their danger, and 
to frustrate the designs, and neutralize the insidious influence^ 
of the active partizans of the royal cause in Virginia. 

In the year 1775, Francis Lightfoot Lee was elected a 
delegate to congress, by the Virginia convention, to supply 
the seat vacated by the resignation of Colonel Bland. He 
was regularly re-elected to the same station, during the three 
following years of 1776, 1777, and 1778; in the first of 
which he voted for and signed the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence. He does not appear to have distinguished himself as 
a speaker, in public debate, either in the Virginia legis- 
lature, or on the floor of congress. But he was esteemed a 
useful member of both. In congress he was a member of 
several important committees ; and frequently presided as 
chairman, when in committee of the whole. He was also a 
member for Virginia of that memorable committee, which 
framed the articles of the confederation ; a labor, surrounded 
with difficulties and embarrassments enough to have discou- 
raged statesmen of less devoted and persevering patriotism, 
than influenced the venerable members of the continental 
congress, in that eventful period. 

Mr. Lee entirely and uniformly harmonized with hi? 
brother, Richard Henry, in his sentiments respecting the 
fisheries, and the free navigation of the Mississippi River. 
While many of the southern members of congress and seve- 
ral of his colleagues would have been contented, on securing 
their own immediate interests, which immediately aflected 
the states they severally represented, he, with his distin- 
guished brother, strenuously maintained, that no treaty ought 
to be concluded, which did not recognize the right of the 
United States to both of those valuable privileges. 

Mr. Lee continued to serve his native state in congress 
'Jintil the spring of 1779, when he retired to his home ; where 
it was his intention to have spent the remainder of his days in 
the enjoyment of domestic quiet, to which he was strongly 
attached. But his fellow citizens still desiring his services. 



VIRGINIA. 321 

sent him once more to their legislature ; and gave him a seat 
m the senate of Virginia. But after a short engagement 
there, he determined to relinquish all engagements in public 
life, and bid a final adieu to its labors, turmoils, and cares. 
This determination he soon carried into effect, and retired 
from every public service to the close of his life. 

Having no children, he was exempted, in his declining 
years, from the usual solicitude which parents commonly feel 
for their posterity. Mr. Lee spent his time pleasantly ; de- 
voting it to his friends and relations, whose welcome visits 
enlivened the cheerfulness of his hospitable dwelling, while 
reading and agricultural employments, of which he was verj^ 
fond, were at once agreeable sources of recreation, informa- 
tion, and amusement. 

At length a pleurisy seized him, and his beloved com> 
panion, in one of the most severe winters that Virginia expe- 
riences, and removed them both from the world, within a 
few days of each other. 



^•h»9^94m— 



CARTER BRAXTON. 

Carter Braxtox was bom at Newington, in King and 
Queen's county, in Virginia, on the 10th of September, 1736^. 
His father was George Braxton, a planter of considerable 
wealth, and appears to have been of some estimation among 
the gentleman of influence and distinction in the colony, at 
the time when he lived. His mother was a daughter of Ro- 
bert Carter, who was for a short time president of the l-ing's 
council for Virginia. She died young, leaving two sons, the 
voungest of whom, who is the subject of this memoir, only 
seven days old. It is probable that his father's death took 
place when he and his brother George, who was but two 
years older, were both young. 

Carter received a public education at the college of WiU 
liam and Mar}\ His property was ample ; and at the age 
of nineteen, he connected himself by marriage, with Miss. 
Judith Robinson, who was a daughter of Christopher Robin- 
.=;on, Esq., a wealthy planter of the county of Middlesex, and 
reported to have been an accomplished woman. By thia 
marriage, his wealth already large, was considerably in- 



322 CARTER BRAXTON, 

•creased. She was the mother of two daughters; but she 
died at the birth of the youngest, at the age of nearly twenty- |<j 
one years. 

Soon after the death of his wife, Mr. Braxton sailed for 
England, where he continued until 1760, having resided 
there for a number of years. This excursion is supposed to 
have been taken for his own gratification and improvement. 
After his return, he was again married to Miss Elizabeth 
Corbin, a daughter of a gentleman holding the office of re- t I 
ceiver general of the customs for Virginia, under the king. 
This woman was a mother of a large family ; having given 
birth to sixteen children. Mr. Braxton's style of living was 
established according to the general mode of southern hospi- 
tality, adopted and practised by gentlemen of wealth ; and 
subjected him to great expense. It is well known that the 
fashion among the large landed aristocracy of Virginia, be- 
fore the revolution, was established on a liberal scale of hos- 
pitality. Mr. Braxton's connections and fortune, required 
of him to support that style of living, adopted by the rank in 
society with which he associated ; and his national disposi- 
tion coincided with the custom of the country. 

At what time he was brought forward into public office^ is 
not now to be precisely ascertained. He was a member of 
the house of burgesses, in 1765, when Mr. Henry's strong 
resolutions were introduced and adopted. Probably he was a 
member a few years earlier. He was also a member in 1769, 
when measures were introduced and adopted, which disturbed 
the feelings of one of the best royal governors that ever pre- 
sided in Virginia, Lord Botetourt. After his lordship had 
suddenly dissolved that assembly, in consequence of those 
spirited measures, Mr. Braxton was one of the members 
who retired to a private room, and signed a written non-ini- 
portation agreement. 

Mr. Braxton was returned a member of the next house, 
and was placed on three of the standing committees uni. 
formly appointed by that assembly, at its opening session. 

Lord Botetourt having died between the sessions of 1770 
and 1771 ; after a short interval, in which the executive go- 
vernment was administered by the president of the council, 
he was succeeded by Lord Dunmore. In that interval, Mr. 
Braxton held the office of high sheriff of the county where he 
resided. 

The indiscreet administration of Lord Dunmore, contribu- 
ted to increase and animate the spirit in Virginia, which was 



VIRGINIA. 323 

iwready preparing for decided measures ; and impelled the 
recommendation from eighty-nine members of the house of 
burgesses, hastily dissolved by him, to recommend the call- 
ing of a convention, which met at Williamsburgh, in August, 
1774. Of this first convention that ever met in Virginia, Mr. 
Braxton was a member, having been elected by the people 
of King William county. 

When Lord Dunmore caused the ammunition belonging to 
Virginia, to be secretly conveyed from the magazine in Wil. 
Hamsburgh, on board of a king's ship then in James River ; it 
occasioned great excitement, and much alarm among the peo^ 
pie ; and they were about resorting to violent measures to ef- 
feet a restoration of the powder, or to obtain its value in mo- 
ney. Without descen<3inff to a minute detail of the several 

*■' ^j 

particular occurrences caused by it, it may be proper to men- 
tion, that the wise and prudent course pursued by Mr. Brax- 
ton, was essentially instrumental in eflecting a settlement on 
the part of his lordship, which pacified the excited populace, 
at the head of whom was the patriotic Mr. Henry ; and of 
reaving Williamsburgh from the threatened evils of being bat- 
tered by the guns of the armed ship Fowrey. The captain 
of that ship having declared that he would fire on the town, if 
Lord Dunmore was in the least molested. 

Thus by the interference and prudent conduct of that gen- 
tleman, a settlement was effected, which undoubtedly prevent- 
ed a great degree of suffering to the inhabitants of that town. 

He was a member, and a very active and useful one, of 
the last house of burgesses that was ever convened in Virgi- 
nia by royal authority. He was employed as a member of 
those committees of that house, to whom were referred the 
subjects of dispute between the legislature and his lordship. 

The governor fled for refuge on board the armed ship 
Fowrey ; and thus the royal government in the colony of 
Virginia became dissolved. He could not be prevailed upon 
to return to his palace, and resume his oflicial duties ; and 
the legislature being determined not to wait on him on board 
a ship of war ; all the powers of government necessarily de- 
volved on the people, to v/hom they had now reverted. Those 
powers, legislative and executive ; were resumed with their 
approbation, by a convention chosen by the people, to meet 
at Richmond, in July, 1775. Mr. Braxton was a member of 
that convention. That body now possessing all the power 
of the province, proceeded to make arrangements for the exi- 
gencies of the community, and appointed a committee of 



324 CARTER BRAXTON, 

public safety, consisting of some of the first men in Virginia, 
among whom was that of Mr. Braxton. On that commit- 
tee devolved all the sovereign power of the colony, during 
the recess of the convention. Having adjourned on the 26tli 
of August, 1775, to December of the same year, the duty of 
supplying the vacancy in their representation in congress, 
occasioned by the death of Peyton Randolph, devolved on 
them. The convention appointed for his successor Mr. 
Braxton. He soon took his seat, and was present to give 
his signature to the Declaration of Independence, and thus 
ensured immortality to his name. 

Mr. Braxton having been omitted in an election for mem- 
bers of congress, subsequent to the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence, it has been supposed that he had fallen under the dis- 
pleasure of his constituents. But, on a meeting of the gene- 
ral assembly, the first under the new constitution of the state,. 
of which he was a member, he with Mr. Jefierson received 
a vote of thanks from that assembly, " for the diligence, 
ability, and integrity, with which they executed the important 
trust reposed in them, as two of the delegates of the county 
in the general congress." They were delegates from the 
county of King William. 

In this session of that legislature, he was an active and 
influential member ; and as formerly when a member, he 
was placed on most, if not all of the important committees. 
If he ever did incur the displeasure of his fellow citizens, (of 
which there appears to be no conclusive evidence,) it is obvi- 
ous that its duration was short ; for he was returned a mem- 
ber of the house of representatives in the years 1777-79-80- 
81-83 and 1785. Their confidence and attachment were 
unequivocally manifested, in every vicissitude of circumstan- 
ces, some of which were of the most afflictive kind, even ^.o 
the close of his life. 

In 1786, he was appointed a member of the council of 
state, and he continued a member of that board until 179L 
He was again elected to the same office in May, 1794, and 
lie closed his services in that board on the sixth day of Octo- 
ber, 1797, four days after which he breathed his last. 



NORTH CAROLINA. 825 



NORTH CAROL.INA. 

WILLIAM HOOPER. 

This gentleman was a native of Massachusetts, and was 
born in Boston on the seventeenth day of June, 1742. He 
was descended from a Scottish ancestry, and his father, after 
finishing his classical studies in the university of Edinburgh, 
left his native land and came to Boston, " in the then province 
of Massachusetts Bay," and fixed his residence in that town. 

After receiving a careful preparatory education in part 
from his father, and afterwards from Mr. John Lovell, Wil- 
liam Hooper entered Harvard university at the age of fifteen, 
and left it at the close of the term of three years, with a 
reputation for industry and application, peculiarly distin- 
guished at that semmary, and highly honorable to his youth- 
ful character. His constitution was feeble, even from his 
birth ; and cannot be supposed to have improved in vigor, 
from his intense application to books, and the sedentary habit 
invariably connected with a strong desire for scientific 
acquirements. 

After he left college, having manifested a preference for the 
bar, though contraiy to his father's wishes, he was placed in the 
office of James Otis, and enjoyed the benefit of his instruction. 

As the profession of law was fully supplied with practition- 
ers in Massachusetts, he removed to North Carolina, where 
he had numerous connections, and commenced his professional 
career in that province. 

There he soon found himself associated with gentlemen of 
a literary character, polished manners, and distinguished 
hospitality ; a society in which was combined that style of 
living, manners, and feelings, v/hich concurred to render his 
residence pecuharly desirable. 

He had at an early age, assumed and sustained his rank, 
at the head of the bar in that region, and was highly esteemed 
by the wealthy and fashionable circle in which he moved, 
and by whom he was deservedly esteemed and respected. 

His professional reputation had become so thoroughly 
established, even while comparatively a young man, that he 

28 



326 WILLIAM HOOPER, 

was employed on behalf of the government in several im- 
portant trials ; and he managed them with so much profes- 
sional skill, and sound judgment, that his character was es- 
tablished as a barrister of high standing in that community. 
This he retained to the close of his life. He also took an 
active and decided part on the side of government, against 
an insurrection that became somewhat formidable, about the 
year 1770. They assumed the name of regulators ; and 
consisted of low and uninformed people, whose jealousy of 
the better classes of society had been excited, and their pas- 
sions inflamed by designing men, who were desirous of over- 
turning the existing order of things, that they might gain 
something in the scramble. It was, however, subdued at the 
expense of some blood ; and in pursuance of measures re- 
commended by Mr. Hooper. 

He commenced his legislative course in 1773. in which 
year he was chosen a representative of the town of Wilming- 
ton, where he had been a resident scarcely six years. This fact 
will evince the rapidity of his advancement in popular esteem. 
The same respect was again shown him in the year follow- 
ing, being returned a member for the county of Hanover. 

He probably derived the tone of his political sentiments 
from his instructor, while a law student. He uniformly acted 
in opposition to oppression, and against turbulence, whether 
in rulers, or a heated populace. In the house of assembly in 
North Carolina, he was called on in the faithful discharge 
of his duty, to oppose the court party ; and was, though com- 
paratively young both in years and legislation, selected as 
the leader of the party, who were the most open and decided 
in their opposition to the arbitrary measures of the British 
government. In pursuing the course he had thus marked 
out, uniformly, and often with great zeal and ardor, as might 
have been expected, he exasperated the adherents of royal 
power, and rendered himself very obnoxious to the warm par- 
iizans of the ministry and the crown in Great Britain. 

The scene began to open in which he was destined to take 
an active and highly important part. The proposal from 
Massachusetts, for calling a general congress in 1774, to 
convene in Philadelphia, had spread its influence over North 
Carolina ; and the calling a convention of delegates to act 
on the subject was the result. This convention met in 
Newbern ; and having passed a resolution approving of the 
measure, the convention immediately appointed William 
Hooper their first delegate to that congress. 



NORTH CAROLINA. 327 

Mr. Hooper did not reach Philadelphia, so as to take his 
seat until the twelfth of September, when congress had been 
a week in session. Young as he was, he was immediately 
elected a member of two committees, to whom were in- 
trusted business of the most important character. The sub- 
jects submitted to their investigation, and their reports^ 
embraced the broad basis of the system of measures of the 
general government, in their future progress. They may 
be considered as pioneers, appointed to mark out and clear 
the path for the after march of congress in that course of 
legislation, which was pursued in their succeeding sessions. 
Their business required men of the first talents, wisdom, and 
experience. Although there was no lack of the two former 
in that assembly ; in the latter respect, they were necessarily 
deficient. 

Mr. Hooper was again elected to a seat in congress in the 
spring of 1775, and was very active during the whole session. 
He was employed in many committees, and several of them 
having in charge interests of the greatest importance. He 
was chairman of a committee appointed to report an address 
to the inhabitants of the Island of Jamaica, on the situation 
of the North American colonies. The address contained a 
clear statement and delineation of the injuries inflicted on the 
colonies, by the British government, and an eloquent appeal 
to the patriotism of the inhabitants of that island. It was 
from his pen. 

He was continued a member of the congress of 1776 ; 
though he was under a necessity for being absent from his 
seat a considerable part of the spring of that year. The 
public concerns of North Carolina, as well as his private 
business, rendered it necessary for him to return to the place 
of his residence. During his absence in North Carolina, he 
was called to attend two different conventions in that pro- 
vince — one at Hillsborough, and the other in Halifax. Al- 
ways ardent, and always active in supporting the cause he 
had espoused, he was very influential in rousing the feelings 
of the colony, and inducing them to come forward resolutely 
to protect their rights, and maintain the cause of the country, 
against British invasion. By the convention at Hillsborough, 
his pen was again put in requisition, to draw up an address to 
ihe inhabitants of the British empire, which that body had 
resolved on. 

He returned to congress in the summer, and was present 
in season to record his vote in favor of declaring the North 



328 WILLIAM HOOPER, 

A.merican colonies independent, in connection with his col- 
leagues, when that question was decided. The measure he 
advocated with decision, and approved of it with entire cor- 
diality. 

Mr. Hooper continued in his seat during the remainder of 
the session of 1776, and was a member of several commit- 
tees ; among which were those for regulating the post office, , 
the treasury, secret correspondence, and appeals from the 
courts of admiralty. These were all trusts of much import- 
ance, and requiring sound judgment and deliberation. 

He was again chosen a member of congress in December,. 
1776. But he did not long retain his seat. His private 
affairs had suffered so materially, by reason of his absence, 
and consequent inattention to them, while engaged in the ser- 
vice of the public, and also by reason of the situation of the 
country at that dark and gloomy period ; that the security of 
his family made it indispensably necessary that he should re- 
tire from congress, and return to North Carolina Conse- 
quently, he obtained leave of absence in March, 1777, and re- 
turned to his family ; and shortly afterwards, on perceiving 
that he could not resume his seat in that assembh^, he resigned 
and did not again mingle in its labors and discussions. 

Like others who voted to dissolve all allegiance to the 
king and government of Great Britain, Mr. Hooper was pecu- 
liarly odious to English troops; who vented their feelings, and 
gave indulgence to their revenge, on every opportunity they 
could embrace for exercising it on their persons, property, 
and families. While he was absent in Philadelphia, attend- 
ing to his congressional duties, an English sloop of war, then 
lying in Cape Fear River, fired upon a dwelling house be- 
longing to him, which was near the river, and a few miles 
from Wilmington. This fact is worthy of being noticed, only 
because it shows the strong resentment against those who 
took a leading part in resisting the arbitrary measures of the 
British government. 

After his retirement from congress, he removed his family 
from Wilmmgton, to a plantation which he owned a few 
miles distant from that town ; but the persecuting spirit di- 
rected against him personally, did not long suffer him to en- 
joy his retirement in tranquillity. A Major Craige, an officer 
in the British service, approached his residence with a con- 
siderable force, and compelled him to send his family back 
to Wilmington, and to seek security for himself in the inte«. 



NORTH CAROLIXA. 329 

About this time, when the American affairs were overcast 
with gloom, and the storm was still gathering blackness, and 
the final issue of the contest was very doubtful, it is said that 
Mr. Hooper and other members of congress had concerted 
with the French minister, to take a residence in one of the 
French West India islands, as a last resort, if the colonies 
were obliged in the end to submit. 

After the enemy evacuated Wilmington, in 1771, Mr. 
Hooper with his family returned to his own residence. He 
remained there however but a short time, and then took up his 
abode in Hillsborough. 

It is probable that he now prosecuted the business of his 
profession, without meeting with any remarkable event wor- 
thy of historical record, until the year 1786, when he was ap- 
pointed by congress one of the judges of a federal court, 
which was constituted for the special purpose of settling a 
controversy that had arisen between Massachusetts, and New 
York, relative to a territory, which was claimed by each of 
those states. The cause was one of great importance, but it 
never was brought before that tribunal. It was tinrJlv ad- 
justed by commissioners appointed by the states, and settled 
without farther litigation. 

Mr. Hooper had continued to hold a high rank in the legis- 
lative council of the state, and he fully sustained his station 
at the bar, notwithstanding his feeble constitution and im- 
paired heahh. But while yet in the prime of life, he began 
in 1787 to relax in his attention to biisiness, and soon after 
withdrew wholly from all active employment. His life was 
now drawing to its close. He lived very much within his 
family until the month of October, 1790 ; when at the age of 
forty-eight years, his earthly existence was closed in Hills- 
borough in North Carolina. 

At his decease he left a widow, two sons and one daughter ; 
the last of whom only survives. 

Like many of his fellow laborers in the old congress, al- 
though he suffered losses and trials, he never once regretted 
having engaged in the cause of liberty and his country ; and 
amidst all the gloom with which the prospect before America 
was from time to time overspread, be never desponded, nor 
suffered himself to be cast down. 

When the afflictive intelligence of the disastrous battle of 
Germantown reached him, he was seated among a party of 
friends, on whose feelings the intelligence brought an almost 
overwhelming distress and discouragement. Thev seemed 

28=^= 



330 JOSEPH HEWES, 

ready almost to despair of the cause. But Mr. Hooper, start- 
ing from his seat with great animation, repeated the words 
" we have been disappointed," in which the intelhgence was 
announced, with vehemence he exclaimed, " We have been 
disappointed, but no matter, now that we have become the 
assailants, there can be no doubt of the issue." 1 



JOSEPH HEWES. ^ 

Joseph Hewes was born at Kingston in New Jersey, in 
the year 1730. His parents, at the time of their marriage, 
resided in Connecticut, and belonged to the society of Friends. 

From Connecticut they removed to New Jersey, where 
they found a quiet and tranquil retreat in Kingston, a short 
distance from Princeton. 

This proved a very favorable circumstance to Joseph, for 
■when he attained to the proper age for pursuing his studies, 
the vicinity of his father's dwelling to the college in Prince- 
ton, furnished him with facilities for procuring an education, 
such as a more distant residence from a seminary of learning 
would have precluded. 

Having finished his academic studies, he went immedi- 
ately to Philadelphia, and entered as an apprentice to a mer- 
chant, to qualify himself for commercial biisiness. 

On the close of his apprenticeship, he commenced business 
on his own account, and by means of peculiar advantages, 
which at that time attended the colonies, in connection with 
the protection to merchant ships afforded by the British flag, 
Mr. Hewes rapidly acquired property. His residence for 
several years, was divided between New York and Philadel- 
phia, as his business demanded his attention in the one place 
or the other. 

At the age of about thirty years, he removed to North 
Carolina, and settled in Edenton, which he afterwards made 
his home for hfe. 

In this his new residence, his industrious attention to busi- 
ness, his probity in his dealings, his sobriety of deportment, 
his intelligence and address, early acquired for him the es- 
teem and confidence of the inhabitants ; insomuch that while 



NORTH CAROLINA. 331 

]\b was yet comparatively a stranger among them, by their 
voluntary and unsolicited favor, he was called to take a seat 
in their legislative assembly. That appointment was repeat- 
edly given him, and the duties connected with it he uniformly 
discharged to the acceptance of his constituents. 

North Carolina was early decided in her opposition to the 
aggressions of the ministry and parliament of Great Britain. 
Consequently, so soon as the proposal for a general congress 
was announced to her influential men, measures were adopted 
for calling a convention to discuss the subject. That con- 
vention met fully prepared for the object. Accordingly, 
three delegates were appointed to attend the first congress in 
Philadelphia, of whom Joseph Hewes was one. 

He entered the session on the fourteenth day of September, 
1774 ; and like all the other delegates, his services were ini- 
mediately called into action for arranging some of the vari- 
' ous subjects which were to be considered, and decided by 
■ congress before the session closed. He was placed on the 
' committee for considering and " stating the rights of the 
(Colonies in general, the several instances in which those 
' rights had bepn violated, and the means most proper to be 
' pursued for obtaining a restoration of them." 

That committee, after an industrious attention to their du- 

< ties, reported a bill of rights to which the inhabitants were 

entitled, just one month from the day on which he entered 

congress. 

Mr. Hewes was another striking instance of self devoted 
patriotism, of which there were many in those days, worthy 
of the age in which they lived, and which would honor any 
age, of any nation. He was a merchant. He had been en- 
gaged in the business of importing goods from Great Britain 
and her dependencies. By importing and selling those goods 
he procured his support ; and this had been his business and 
the source of his nicome, more than twenty years ; and he 
had no other. Yet all this must fall a sacrifice by the estab. 
lishment of a non-importation agreement. But notwithstand- 
ing this sacrifice, he aided in maturing such an agreement, 
voted for it, and exerted himself to have it universally concur- 
red in, and carried into complete effect. 

Congress having finished the business of that session, and 
resolved that it was expedient that there should be another 
meeting in May, 1775, adjourned. In the spring of 1775, 
Mr. Hewes was re-elected a delegate to congress, and took 
his seat accordingly at the time appointed. He was emphatic 



332 WILLIAM HOOPER, 

cally a man of business. Of whatever committees he was a 
member, he devoted himself to discharge his several duties 
with great assiduity, and unwearied perseverance. He was 
a member of thai which had in charge the whole naval de- 
partment ; and he became in effect the first secretary of the 
navy. He was also a member of the secret committee, whose 
duties were of the first importance, and of the highest respon- 
sibihty. 

But while he was so much occupied with his multiplied avo- 
cations in congress, he was not unmindful of North Carolina. 
The civil war was raging in that distracted region, and ex- 
posed the country to the attack of the common foe. It stood 
in need of aid ; and this aid Mr. Hewes forwarded for her re- 
lief, from his own private resources, although he was after- 
wards remunerated by congress. 

The convention of North Carolina, in April, 1776, had voted 
a resolution, empowering the delegates from that province 
to concur with those from the other colonies, in declaring 
independence ; and Mr. Hewes, who was present when the 
question was debated in congress, was under no embarrass- 
ment in voting for it. in conformity to his established judgment, 
as well as his views of its indispensable necessity, or in sign- 
ing the instrument by which it was declared. 

As soon as the business of the session would admit, Mr. 
Hewes returned to North Carolina ; and although he was ap- 
pointed again a delegate to congress in the spring of 1777, he 
declined resuming his seat at that time. He remained at 
home, attending to his own private concerns, and to the inte- 
rests of the state, until July, 1779 ; he then resumed his seat in 
congress. But his term of service was fast drawing to its 
close. His constitution had been severely tried, and his 
health was now quite feeble. He was able, therefore, to 
attend but little to the business of the public, or afibrd his aid 
to the national councils. 

He attended and acted in congress, and gave his last vote 
in that body, on the twenty-ninth day of October. Thence 
he betook himself to his chamber, where he was confined 
until the tenth day of November, when he breathed his last, in 
the fiftieth year of his age. 

His funeral was attended by congress in a body, by many 
personages of distinction, civil and military, and a large con- 
course of the citizens of Philadelphia, with marks of sincere 
regret for his decease, and profound respect for his character. 



NORTH CAROLINA. 333 



JOHN PENN. 

t 

To the number of honorable instances of individuals, who 

rose to eminence and distinction, among the leading patriots 

, of the American revolution, by their own resolute and perse- 

■ vering efforts, with but little aid from others, may be added the 

name of John Penn. He emerged from obscurity, such as 

. would have disheartened men of less energy of character, at 

the outset. But he resolved on accomplishing his purpose ; 

and he did accomplish it, notwithstanding many obstacles, 

; w^hich for years opposed his progress. 

I He was a native of Virginia, and was born in the county of 
I Caroline, on the 17th of May, 1741. He was the only child 
of Moses Penn, who seems to have regarded his welfare 
. almost with indifference. For at the age of eighteen years, 
he had been furnished with but two or three years instruc- 
! tion in a common country school, whence he could have deriv- 
; ed but small advantages. x\t that age, he lost his father by 
I death. He industriously improved that very slight opportu- 
I nity, to obtain what little knowledge it could furnish, which 
I must have been very small. 

1 His father left him a competent property, though not large, 
[ of which he became at that youthful period of life, the sole 
I guardian and manager. The comparative obscurity of his 
I early life, was in one respect favorable. It had preserved 
1 him from those dangerous associations, and contaminating 
' examples which are numerous, and by which many unpro- 
! tected youths are ensnared, and enticed to their ruin. But 
! Mr. Penn possessed a mind which was disposed to avoid, and 
capable of resisting the dangerous allurements of youth, and 
' of fixino- on a course both discreet and honorable, and pro- 
mismg an auspicious result. 

' He was a relative of the celebrated Edmund Pendleton, 
one of the distinguished Virginia patriots, and fellow laborers 
with Messrs. Lee, Henry, Randolph, Wythe, &c. and young 
Penn availed himself of the use of his library, kindly tendered 
to him by its generous owner. He resided near to his kins- 
man, and taking advantage of his kindness, which gave him 
access to his books, he industriously applied himself to im- 
prove the privilege by intense application. Mr. Penn thus 
situated, formed the resolution of qualifying himself for prac- 
tising law. He immediately set about effecting his pur- 



334 JOHN PENN, 

pose, with no other guide but his own judgment, and with 
only the very hmited preparatory education we have men- 
tioned. 

At twenty-one years of" age, he was admitted to the bar, in 
the county where he resided ; and by close application^ and 
native powers of eloquence, he soon rose to eminence. His ■ 
eloquence was of that attractive kind, to which auditors always 1 
listen with peculiar satisfaction. He could enlist the tender! 
feelings in his favor, and bear them along to a successful 
issue of the cause in which he was engaged. 

In 1774, he removed to North Carolina, and entered on 
his professional business in that province. There the same 
distinction attended him which he had attained in Virginia. 

We may be assured that his reputation as a politician and 
a patriot, had become extensively known, from the fact, that 
in less than two years after his settlement in that province, 
he was elected a delegate to congress, among those early 
worthies, to whom the management of the important interests 
of the country was committed. He took his seat on the 
twelfth day of October, 1775, as a delegate for North Caro- 
lina ; and in the following year, met the crisis which severed 
the colonies forever from the mother country, and gave them 
a rank among the independent nations of the world. He 
was returned to a seat in congress annually during the three 
following years ; and like the other members of that assem- 
bly, he faithfully and with promptitude, industriously perform- 
ed the numerous duties which were devolved on him, during 
that long and gloomy period of the revolutionary conflict. 

At the time when Lord Cornwallis was directing his march 
from Camden, in South Carolina, at the head of a victorious 
army. North Carolina, almost defenceless, was the object of 
his invasion and ravages. In that situation the confidence 
reposed in Mr. Penn was almost unlimited. Cornwallis had 
fintered the western part of the state, and it was almost des- 
titute of all the necessary means of defence. The eyes of 
the community were turned in this emergency, on Mr. Penn ; 
and he was invested with a power but little short of that of a 
dictator. This power, so dangerous in all situations to be 
intrusted to any man, as history abundantly testifies, he used, 
and applied to the pressing situation of the state, without 
abusing it, and for the great benefit of the commonwealth. 
He sustained the trial, performed the requisite duties of his 
appointment, received the approbation of the state, and ac- 
quired additional honor to himself. 



NORTH CAROLINA. 335 

Previous to the termination of the war of tho revolution, 
Mr. Penn had reh'nquished pubUc employment, and retired to 
the enjoyment of domestic life. 

In 1784, he was appointed receiver of taxes for North Car- 
olina, by Robert Morris, the celebrated financier of the United 
States. It was an unpopular and an unwelcome office. It 
was one of high trust and honor. But the incumbents in the 
several states, suffered more obloquy and reproach from the 
peculiar state of the times, and the empoverished condition of 
the inhabitants, than all the honors and emoluments of the 
office were worth. With feelings the most patriotic, the 
most sincere desires to be useful to the country on the one 
hand ; on the other, a conviction derived from experience, 
that he could effect little by retaining his office, and that he 
must continue to suffer much in his feelings, he resigned his 
office, which was proved to be alike destitute of profit to the 
public and himself. He held it but a few weeks. 

He died in 1788, in the month of September, in the forty- 
seventh year of his age. He was married in July, 1763, to 
Miss Susan Lyme, by whom he had three children ; one only 
of whom became the head of a family. The others died in 
single life. 

Such was the character of another of the revolutionary 
worthies, who by his own almost unassisted exertions, raised 
himself from obscurity to a distinguished rank among the 
great men of that memorable period, became qualified for ex- 
tensive usefulness, and attained to high and merited honors 
in the commonwealth. Thus furnishing another example, 
well worthy of an extensive imitation. 



336 EDWARD RUTLEDGE, 



SOUTH CAROIilN*. 

EDWARD RUTLEDGE. 

Edward Rutledge was the youngest son of Doctor John 
Rutledge, who emigrated from Ireland, in 1735, and settled 
at Charleston, South Carolina. There he pursued the prac- 
tice of physic several years, till his connection by marriage 
with Miss Hert, put him in possession of an ample property. 
Mrs. Rutledge was a superior woman by nature and acquire- 
ments. By the early decease of Doctor Rutledge she was 
left a widow, with the charge of seven children, at the age 
of twenty-seven years. Edward, the youngest of the seven, 
was born at Charleston in November, 1740. 

Of his early years but little is known ; probably nothing 
was manifested by him, of a character to distinguish him es- 
sentially from others of his own age. He is represented as 
having been sprightly in his youth, of a docile and amiable dis- 
position, and exemplary in filial affection and obedience. 

Young Rutledge, at a suitable age, was committed to the 
tuition of a classical instructor from New Jersey. But the 
means of acquiring a finished classical education, not having 
been established at that time in the south, whatever his ac- 
quisitions were, they fell short of such as were furnished by 
the collegiate instructions of the northern colonies. He at- 
tained sufficient, however, to qualify him for entering on the 
study of law, the profession for which he had been destined 
by his connections. 

His eldest brother, John Rutledge, was already established 
in the practice of law in Charleston ; and was rapidly ad- 
vancing to the head of the profession, at the Charleston bar. 
Edward at an early age was placed under him, to prepare 
for his own professional career. To finish the preparatory 
course of studies, before admission to the bar, he was in 1769, 
when scarcely twenty years of age, sent to England, and en- 
tered as a student at the temple. There he had opportunities 
for witnessing the oratorical displays and efforts of the dis- 
tinguished characters of that age ; among whom were Messrs. 



I 



SOUTH CAROLINA. 33'? 

Mansfield, Thurlow, Chatham, Dunning, Wedderburn, and 
Camden. Theae advantages were of much value to him, and 
industriously improved for his own advantage. 

He returned to Charleston, after having spent the required 
term in England, and commenced practising law at that 
place, in 1773. In his early efforts, he received the applause 
of his fellow citizens ; and his course, so long as he pursued 
it, was both flattering and prosperous. But he was not per- 
mitted to advance very far in it, before the partiality of his 
fellow citizens, called him from the bar, to attend to their 
more important interests in the general congress. His elec- 
tion to that assembly took place in the year 1774, when Mr. 
Rutledge was but twenty-five years of age. Even at that 
early age, he always manifested a degree of prudence, sound 
discretion, and decision of character, which are not often met 
with in so early a period of life. Though a firm whig, he 
was uniformly opposed to violent party measures. Although 
fond of popular favor and promotion, he not only would not 
condescend to court them, by flattering his fellow citizens, in 
giving his countenance to their measures, when he was per- 
suaded they were wrong ; but uniformly opposed them with 
boldness, although his rising hopes, and opening prospects, 
might become a sacrifice to their resentment. In this respect 
his character was put to the test, in more instances than one, 
in the place of his residence ; and he uniformly maintained 
his integrity in spite of the hissings and shouting of his fel- 
low citizens, as tokens of their disapprobation of his conduct. 

For his services in the continental congress, where he had 
some opposition from some of his colleagues to contend with, 
he received the approbation of the provincial congress, in con- 
nection with his colleagues, in a formal vote of thanks, which 
they passed ; and which was followed by a re-appointment to 
the same office, for the year 1775. He was again chosen 
for the following year ,• that year which will be the most me- 
morable in the American history to the end of time. 

It was a fact well understood by Mr. Rutledge, that a coR«. 
siderable portion of the inhabitants of South Carolina, were 
at least not zealous in favor of declaring the colonies indepen- 
dent, at the time when it began to be a subject of discus- 
sion. Some thought it premature ; some, that if declared, 
the country could not sustain it against the power and force 
of Great Britain ; and ethers, particularly the mercantile por- 
tion of the community, anticipated the total prostration of 
their business, for a time at least, if not utterly, by adopting 

29 



338 EDWARD RUTLEDGE, 

so decisive a measure. But Mr. Rutledge, in opposition to all 
these considerations, perceiving the necessity of the measure 
and firm in the belief of an ultimate triumph of the colonies 
in support of their just righfs, boldly advocated its adoption ; 
and when the time had come for a final decision, he gave his 
vote in its favor ; and in due course, set his name to the in- 
strument, by which the independence of his country was so 
lemnly announced to the world. 

Before this important measure was determined by congresSj 
a resolution was introduced to that body, and adopted, recom- 
mending to the several provinces to establish permanent go- 
vernments for regulating their concerns, instead of those ephe- 
meral institutions to which the urgency of their circumstan- 
ces had required them to resort for temporary purposes. This 
recommendation clearly and unequivocally indicated their ul- 
terior design ; and it miglrt easily be inferred, in whom con- 
gress placed confidence, when it was ascertained whom they 
designated to bring it forward. On that occasion we find, 
that young Rutledge was associated with Richard Henry 
Lee and John Adams, to prepare a suitable preamble to the 
recommendation. 

At the request of Lord Howe, that congress would depute 
commissioners to meet him, to consider of some proposals of 
the British government, ostensibly to negotiate for peace, 
congress appointed Mr. John Adams, Doctor Franklin, and 
Mr. Rutledge. It is well known that the mission was pro- 
ductive of no immediate consequences, that were beneficial to 
either party. It appeared obvious that the real object of the 
British was, under cover of pacific proposals, to sow the seeds 
of jealousy, and excite parties among the Americans. That 
time was embraced for this purpose, because a succession of 
adverse occurrences in their affairs, had caused some degree 
of despondency in the public feelings ; and the enemy hoped 
that the time would prove propitious to their purposes, by 
inclining the timid and wavering to come forth in open oppo- 
sition to the cause of American Independence. 

We have no further account of Mr. Rutledge's proceedings 
in congress, to record in this sketch, by reason of the early 
determination of that body, to transact their business with 
closed doors. That resolution was not rescinded up to the 
time when ill health, and other imperative causes, compelled 
him to withdraw, for a period, from his public duties in that 
assembly. He was returned again as a delegate in 1779 : 
but sickness, which arrested him on his way to the place of 



SOUTH CAROLINA. 339 

' their sessions, compelled him to return home, without even 
reaching the end of his journey. 

From his retirement from congress in 1777, the situation 
of South Carolina demanded his attention, and patriotic exer- 
tions for its preservation ; and eventually, for its deliverance 
from the possession and depredations of the enemy. During 
that time Mr. Rutledge was more than once found march- 
ing to attack the invading enemy. Particularly, when the 
Bi^itish assaulted Port Royal Island, with a detachment com- 
manded by Major Beard, Mr. Rutledge in command of an 
artillery company, and his colleague, Thomas Heyward, 
(who also signed the Delaration of Independence,) in com- 
mand of another, marched to oppose them. The result was, 
the British were defeated, and driven from the island. 

In the year 1780, while Charleston was invested by the 
British, Mr. Rutledge, in an attempt to succor General Lin- 
coln, by throwing troops into the city, was taken a prisoner 
by the enemy, and sent afterwards to St. Augustine, in Flo- 
rida. He was detained there nearly a year, in company 
with some others of his fellow citizens, who were considered 
as too dangerous rebels to be intrusted with a station less 
remote from their homes. After having been exchanged, he 
returned to Philadelphia ; and spent about six months at a 
moderate distance from that city, with the two General 
Pinckneys, his friends, who were, at that time, both of them 
prisoners to the British. He embraced the first opportunity 
to return to the south, of which the situation of that country 
admitted. At that time the forces under Generals Greene, 
Sumpter, and Marion, were beginning to encounter the ene- 
my with some success, and reanimated the desponding hopes 
of the inhabitants. 

After the British forces evacuated Charleston, Mr. Rut- 
ledge returned to his native residence, and mingled his con- 
gratulations with his relatives and friends. Among them he 
found his mother, who had suffered some persecutions by the 
foe, during the time they held possession of that country. 
They considered her talents as qualifying her to become a 
dangerous enemy ; and to guard themselves against any evils 
she might assist in bringing on them, the commander of the 
forces at Charleston ordered her to be removed from her 
country residence into the city, where she would be more 
particularly under his eye, than in the countrj^ 

After his return to Charleston, on its having been eva- 
cuated by the enemy, he entered into the practise of law, 



340 EDWARD RUTLEDGE, 

in which lie passed about seventeen years ; dividing his time 
between the prosecution of his professional duties at the bar, 
and his legislative service under the state government. In 
the legislature of the state he was a leading, active, and in- 
fluential member. But though his services were usefully 
and faithfully rendered, during that length of time, yet, in a 
course of duties so uniform, where there was little to occupy 
his time, and engage his attention, few remarkable occur- 
rences took place, adapted to give a variety to his history, or 
to impress it with a character peculiarly interesting to pos- 
terity. Widows and orphans, and the fatherless, often reaped 
the benefits of his gratuitous services in his profession ; and 
the indigent were almost daily " made to feel gladness of 
heart," by his charity and beneficence. 

After the war of the revolution was ended, many of the 
gentlemen having suffered materially during its progress, by 
British depredations on one portion of their property, (their 
slaves,) and having been otherwise greatly impoverished, 
had become deeply involved in debt. Several expedients 
were proposed in the legislature, for their relief against a. 
ruinous pressure for payment. Among them was a proposal 
for introducing slaves from abroad, to supply the places of 
those who had been carried off by the enemy. Against 
every effort of that nature, he uniformly and stedfastly exerted 
himself. He never would consent to extend, or in any way 
increase the evil of slavery ; an evil of fearful magnitude, 
entailed on them by their British ancestors, and for which no 
effectual remedy could be devised. 

On the commencement of hostilities between the French 
republic and Great Britain, in common with a vast majority 
of the people of the United States, he was an enthusiastic 
well-wisher to the success of the former. This was, how- 
ever, at a time when the real designs of the French rulers and 
leading men had not been fully developed. In this country 
it was generally believed that they were, in good faith, seek- 
ing to rescue their liberties from the grasp of despotic rulers ; 
and many of their extravagances were palliated and excused 
for that reason. Mr. Rutledge, still feeling the smarting of 
those many wounds inflicted on him and his country by the 
British ; and remembering the aid furnished to us by the 
French government, very naturally had his feelings strongly 
enlisted in behalf of the one, and against the other. 

It was probably a fact, that his popularity in his native 
state was so general among the citizens, that had he conde- 



SOUTH CAROLINA. 341 

scended to solicit office for himself, there was none in the 
, gift of the people, which he might not have had at any time. 
He accepted the office of colonel of a regiment of artillery, 
when the battalion in which he had long served was consti- 
tuted a regiment. When General Charles C. Pinckney re- 
tired from his seat in the United States senate, Mr. Rutledge 
was appointed his successor. 
I He retired from the practice of law, in 1798, and was 
chosen governor of the state. But the career of his services 
. and of his life was terminated by death, before one half of his 
^official term had elapsed. He had suffered previously to the 
tlast attack, under which he sank, by repeated paroxysms of 
jan hereditary gout ; and his consitution, never vigorous, had 
i 'become considerably enfeebled. He was much debilitated 
during the session of the legislature in Columbia; and on 
this return to Charleston, he suffered from exposure to the 
s weather, which at that time was inclement and severe. But 
he reached home ; and after languishing for a short time, he 
J expired on the 23d day of January, 1800, in the 60th year 
jof hisage, much and justly lamented by the citizens of his 
native state. 

I Mr. Rutledge was twic€ married. His first marriage was 
{ with Harriet Middleton, daughter of Henry Middleton, Esq. 
(who was colleague with him in congress, when the great 
;! question of the declaring independence was decided. By her 
j he had one son, now Major Henry M. Rutledge of Tennessee ; 
■I and one daughter, who resides at Charleston. After her de- 
\ cease, at a suitable time, he was married to Mary Shubrick, 
j daughter of Thomas ShulDrick, Esq. ; and at that time, widow 
. of Nicholas Eveleigh, Esq. formerly comptroller of the 
I United States treasury, appointed to that office by General 
I Washington. 



.mH9@94<o 



THOMAS HEYWARD. 

Thomas Heyward was the eldest son of Colonel Daniel 
Heyward, one of the wealthiest planters in South Carolina. 
He was born in St. Luke's parish, in the year 1746. Al. 
though his father had accumulated his own fortune, and like 
many others, in similar circumstances^ might have satisfied 



M2 THOMAS HEYWARD, 

his feelings with a consciousness of being able to leave his 
children in a state of affluence, he did not rest contented in 
that situation. His views, with reference to their future 
respectability and usefulness, went far beyond leaving them 
in possession of a pecuniary competence. He justly realized 
the importance of cultivating their minds, and enlarging their 
sphere of usefulness, by furnishing them with a liberal edu- 
cation ; and being amply furnished with the pecuniary means 
requisite for accomplishing that object, at a suitable age, he 
placed this son in the best classical school in the province of 
South Carolina. His proficiency was honorable to his youth; 
and even then evinced his purpose of accomplishing some- | 
thing beyond acquiring such a measure of education, as 
would qualify him to sustain that rank in the community, 
which his wealth would authorize him to assume. He applied 
himself with a becoming assiduity to the study of the Latin 
tongue , and readily became such a prolicient in it, that he 
read the Roman historians and poets in the original language ; 
and thus imbibed that love of hberty, which every where per- j 
vades their publications. 

On taking leave of his school, he entered on the study of 
law, under the instruction of Mr. Parsons, a barrister of some 
eminence in that region. 

It was customary in the south at that period of their his- 
tory, for gentlemen to send their sons to England, to finish 
their education. In conformity to that custom, Colonel Hey- 
ward sent this son to London, and he was entered in one of 
the inns of court. There he prosecuted his studies with a 
diligence and fidelity, which would have been honorable to a 
man, who must depend for his support on his professional 
success and prosperity ; and it was much more characteris- "^ 
tic of such an one, than of an heir to an independent proper- 
ty, who was under no necessity of making personal exertions 
for his support. His views were elevated far above that mo- 
derate level, on which many expectants of wealth seem will- 
ing to stand, contented only with being thought by others to be 
gentlemen. The value of money in his estimation was en- 
hanced, as it became a means of qualifying its possessor to 
be useful. While residing in England, he was more and 
more impressed with the difference made between English- 
men at home, and Englishmen in the colonies. It appeared 
to be a part of the system among the native born subjects, 
when any of the young colonists went to England to finish their 
professional education, to impress them with the idea, that 



SOUTH CAROLINA. 343 

ihey were Englishmen only in a subordinate degree. The 
practice of the government was in conformity to this idea. 
All honorable and lucrative offices in the colonies were given 
to the native born English ; and those involving drudgery, but 
yielding small compensation, were given to those of transat- 
lantic birth. The evidences of this practice, which he conti- 
nually had placed before him, and many of which he expe- 
rienced, in circumstances mortifying to his feelings, served to 
alienate his affections from the*^ parent state, and confirmed 
his anticipations of the treatment the colonists were to re- 
ceive from the native English, in their official and individual 
acts. However unfavorably predisposed Mr. Heyward may 
have been before he left his native shores, when he returned 
to his home, he was ready to unite with others in resisting 
those claims of the British, which he deemed unjust in their 
nature, and oppressive and unequal in their operation on the 
colonial subjects of the same government. 

After Mr. Heyward had completed his course in England, 
he visited several countries on the European continent, with 
a view to his own advantage. In his tour he spent several 
years, carefully observing all that presented for his observa- 
tion, with the impartial feelings of a philanthropist, and a 
philosopher. The splendor, the pomp, the showy display, 
the glittering equipage, the pride and haughtiness in the 
aristocratic ranks, the abject condition, the wretched paupe- 
rism, and the general degradation, pervading the plebian 
race, presented a contrast to the moderate fortune, the indus- 
try, the simple style of living, the absence of extreme indi- 
gence, the general equality in rank, and the contentment 
which he had seen in America, strengthened his preposses- 
sions in behalf of his native country, and bound his affections 
to her interests and institutions more strongly than ever. In 
his travels, he saw little to excite envy, but much to regret 
and deplore. 

With such views and feelings, Mr. Heyward returned from 
Europe, uncontaminated by what he had seen and experi- 
enced, in the old and corrupt countries he had visited, and free 
from the fashionable vices of men, whose influence and exam- 
pie are too often considered as sanctioning similar practices, 
by those whose moral principles hang loosely about them. 
Soon after his return, he entered upon the practice of law. 
Shortly after commencing his professional labors, he was 
united by marriage to Miss Mathews ; a lady possessed of 
all those qualities, personal and mental, which entitled her to 



344 THOMAS HEYWARD, 

his affections, and fitted her to cherish and gratify his amia- 
ble disposition, and constitute home the beloved retreat from 
the toils and perplexities of his intercourse with men. 

Mr. Heyward well knew what sacrifices would be required 
of the American colonies, by the parent government, as the 
only peace-offering which that power would consent to re- 
ceive, for effecting a reconciliation of the jarring interests 
then existing between them. He was too much enlightened, and 
too patriotic, to consent to the sacrifice ; nor would he conde- i 
scend to calculate the personal advantages he might derive, I 
by pleading for a reconciliation on such terms as would be ' 
acceptable to Great Britain, when he well knew the degrading 
condition in which such a reconciliation would place his country. 

Mr. Heyward, having taken his stand thus openly among his 
fellow citizens, relative to the controversy, which had already | 
become an interesting subject to the community, he became 
very popular with his fellow citizens. They immediately se- 
lected him for one of their leaders, to show them what mea- 
sures to adopt, and to go before them in the execution of those 
measures. For this, his superior education, his warm patri- 
otism, and his mild and amiable temper, well qualified him. 
The people elected him to the first revolutionary assembly 
that was convened in the province. Soon after he was placed 
on " the committee or council of safety ;" a body of men fur- 
nished with almost unrestricted authority, and impowered to 
exercise it in a manner wholly discretionary. 

In 1775, he was elected a delegate to the general congress, 
to supply a vacancy occasioned by a recal of one of their re- 
presentatives, who, with another member, had returned to aid 
in defending the province against an expected invasion. At 
first, his modesiy induced him to decline the appointment ; 
but at length, consulting the desires of his constituents, which 
were communicated to him by a special deputation, he yield- 
ed to their wishes, and consented to take his seat. This 
brought him into congress in season to listen to the discus- 
sions on the proposed Declaration of Independence. He had 
been, a considerable time, persuaded that it must come to that 
issue ; and soon after his arrival in that assembly, he was per- 
suaded that the time for adopting the measure had arrived ; 
and for its immediate adoption, congress found in him a ready 
and cordial advocate. 

As Mr. Heyward's fortune placed him above pecuniar}- 
considerations in accepting office, his undertaking to dis- 
charge the duties of such as exposed him to severe retalio.- 



SOUTH CAROLINA. 345 

tion, and to experiencing the vengeance of the enemy, if they 
could get him into their power, must be ascribed to high and 
honorable motives. Such was especially the case, when in 
1778, he accepted a seat on the bench of the criminal and 
civil courts, under the new government. The controversy 
was not yet settled so far, as to give assurance that a judge 
might not be arraigned before a court constituted by another 
government ; and be convicted and punished as a traitor, for 
faithfully discharging his duty to the power by which he had 
been appointed. In South Carolina, the office was attended 
with not a little danger at that period The British lay in the 
vicinity of Charleston, at the very time he presided at the 
trial of some persons, charged as traitors, for holding a cor- 
respondence with the enemy. They were convicted, and 
their execution took place in viev/ of the British lines. In 
consequence he became peculiarly obnoxious to the British ; 
and when Charleston capitulated, it was thought he was in- 
tended to be excluded from the conditions of the capitulationo 
One article was inserted in the terms, which was supposed, 
by his friends, was aimed at him as a victim to the manes of 
those who had suffered under his sentence ; but he was not 
demanded. 

He held a military commission at the same time he was a 
judge of the court; and was in active service in the affair at 
Beaufort. He commanded a company of the battalion of ar- 
tillery, which, from the fact that it was raised during the ad- 
ministration of Governor Littleton, was styled the " Charles- 
ton Ancient Battalion of Artillery." Heywardand Riitledgc 
were here placed side by side ; both in a similar command ; 
and both delegates to that congress, in which they concurred 
in voting and signing the declaration of their country's inde- 
pendence. 

In the engagement that took place, Mr. Heyward received 
a gunshot wound ; the mark of which, as an honorable testi- 
mony of his devoted patriotism, he carried through life. Al- 
though the victory at that time was on the side of the Ame- 
ricans, yet the town was destined to fall ; and then,. Hey ward 
and Rutledge, with others, were made prisoners. As being 
peculiarly obnoxious to the enemy, th^y were sent to St. 
Augustine, in Florida, then in possession of the British. After 
some time they were sent to Philadelphia. But while he was 
confined in St. Augustine, a detachment of the enemy went 
from the place of his imprisonment, to his plantation, and 
seized all his slaves; whom they conveyed, to Jamaicaj ta. 



346 THOMAS HEYWARD, 

cultivate the sugar plantations in that island. Some of them 
were afterwards reclaimed ; but about one hundred and thirty 
of them were never restored. 

It was not until after they reached Philadelphia, that they 
were informed of the gratifying fact, that the state of South 
Carolina was reconquered, and delivered from the enemy. 
On their passage from St. Augustine, Mr. Heyward barely es- 
caped from a watery grave. He by some means fell over- 
board, but happily getting hold of the ship's rudder, he clung 
10 it until taken up, and restored to safety on deck. But in 
the midst of all these trials, he was visited by an affliction 
still more distressing. The beloved wife of his aftections^ 
and mother of his children, was called away by death. But 
amidst all his afflictions, he sustained his serenity with that 
meekness and acquiescence to the will of the Most High,, 
which was exemplary, and becoming the character he had 
uniformly maintained. 

On his return to Carolina, though somewhat depressed in 
his spirits, by the repeated calamities he had experienced, 
and the numerous adversities he had sustained, he gradually 
rose out of that state of mind, and recovered his tranquillity 
while discharging his public duties. He resumed his seat on 
the bench, and acted as a judge, until 1798. In 1790, he 
was appointed a member of a convention for framing a con- 
htitution for his native state. In 1791, he withdrew from the 
arduous duties of public life, and retired to domestic enjoy- 
ment in his own endeared family. 

By a second marriage with Miss E. Savage, he enjoyed 
the consolation derived from a virtuous and useful life, and a 
tranquil old age. The fruits of his second marriage were 
three children. After having taken an active and highly re- 
sponsible part in the revolutionary contest ; after having suf- 
fered in his person and estate, by the hand of the enemy ; 
having seen his native state conquered, and re-conquered : 
having united in declaring his country an independent nation, 
and seen it acknowledged as such, by the power from which 
it was severed ; having lived to see it settled under one gene- 
ral confederated constitution of government, and witnessed it 
advancing, with unequalled rapidity in population, prosperity, 
and wealth ; he died in peace, at his own country seat, in the 
midst of his estimable family, in March, 1809, at the age of 
siixty -three years. 



SOUTH CAROLINA, 347 



THOMAS LYNCH, JUN. I 

The coui'se of this gentleman, as will be seen in the fol- 
lowing memoir, however brilliant in prospect, was brief in its 
duration, and deeply melancholy in its end. Born an heir to 
an ample fortune, the only son of an indulgent father, pos- 
sessing native intellectual powers of no common order, and 
furnished with all the necessary means for obtaining a finished 
education of the first class, which the venerable universities 
of Oxford or Cambridge could supply ; and imbued with an 
ardent desire to improve his advantages in the best possible 
manner ; his prospects for future life were brilliant, and flat- 
tering to an extent rarely allotted to man. 

Thomas Lynch, Jun. was descended from an ancient Aus- 
trian family, which resided in the town of Lintz. One branch 
of the family left their native residence in Germany, and re- 
moved to England. They settled in the county of Kent, and 
from thence emigrated to Connaught, in Ireland. 

The great grandfather of Thomas Lynch, Jun. left Ire- 
land, and came to South Carolina, a short time after the set- 
tlement of that colony commenced. His youngest son, whose 
name was Thomas, was grandfather of Thomas Lynch, Jun. 
the subject of this brief sketch. He was evidently a man of 
sagacity, as well as of enterprise. He inherited but a slen- 
der fortune from his father. But for that deficiency he made 
ample provision, by improving the means in his power. He 
traversed the then wilderness, and examined the unsettled 
lands ; and located various tracts of the most valuable in his 
estimation, although they were by others, at that time, con- 
sidered as but little better than worthless. He took out 
grants for large tracts of those lands ; and, by means of that 
wise speculation left at his decease an immense estate to the 
tather of Thomas Lynch, Jun. 

Thomas Lynch, the elder as he was called by way of dis- 
tinction, was a very estimable man, and a zealous,, warm- 
hearted, public spirited promoter of good objects. He was 
early brought into public life ; and with a feeling of ardent 
patriotism, he espoused the colonial cause, in opposition to 
the claims of the British ministry, which they attempted to 
establish over the inhabitants of the American provinces^ 
He was appointed a delegate to the first general congress 



348 THOMAS LYNCH, JUN. 

which met at Philadelphia ; and was re-chosen, and conti- 
nued a member from South Carolina until his death. 

He was dotingly fond of his only son ; and possessing both 
the means and disposition to furnish him with a first rate edu- 
cation, he sent him, at the early age of thirteen years, to Eng- 
land, for that purpose. 

Having made these observations relative to Thomas Lynch^ 
the father, whose history is intimately connected with that of 
the son, we now resume the subject of the latter. 

Thomas Lynch, Jun. was born at his father's residence, 
which was at hie plantation on the North Santee River, in 
Prince George's parish, in South Carolina, on the fifth day 
of August, 1740. On the side of his mother, he was con- 
nected with the Alston family, which had many years been 
among the most distinguished in that state. In pursuance of 
his design to educate his son, so soon as he reached an age 
which would justify the step, his father sent him to an aca- 
demical school at Georgetown, in that province, called the 
" Indigo Society School." His early advantages there, were 
the best that the colony furnished ; and they seem to have 
been very respectable. Young Lynch, at a very early pe- 
riod of life, while in that seminary, evinced a capacity for 
literary attainments, very pleasing to parental hopes, and 
flattering to his fond father's anticipations. By reason of his 
mother's early decease, he was deprived of the many name- 
less, though invaluable benefits, which are the happy fruits 
of maternal affection and fidelity to infant offspring. He was 
possessed of an amiable and ingenuous disposition ; and pro- 
bably the loss he sustained in that particular, was in a great 
degree compensated by the judicious vigilance of his father ; 
for he was always docile, cheerfully complying with the 
wishes of his beloved parent, and manifesting an affectionate 
and filial deportment towards him. 

After spending some time in that school, his father took 
him away, and sent him to England, even before he had com- 
pleted his thirteenth year ; and on his arrival in that country, 
he was placed at Eton, a school much celebrated as well 
known, for having been the seminary in which a large num- 
ber of eminent statesmen, and literary characters, received a 
portion of their education, during a long succession of years. 
Having, at Eton school, attained the prerequisite qualifica- 
tions, he was removed thence to the university of Cam- 
bridge ; where in due season he took his degrees. In regard 
%<s his conduct, during his residence at tliat distinguished seat 



SOUTH CAROLINA. 34J> 

of learning, it is only known generally, that by his assiduous 
application, virtuous life, and acquisitions of science, he se- 
cured the esteem and consideration of his contemporary 
candidates for literary distinction. 

It was one part of the plan which Mr. Lynch had sketched 
cut for his son, that he should, after completing his course at 
the university, enter his name at the Temple, to prosecute a 
regular course of legal studies, that he might be qualified for 
his future pursuits in public lite. The ample fortune he 
was able to bestow on his son, precluded every necessity of 
his son's being influenced by motives of a pecuniary kind. 
He wished him to return to his native home, in possession 
of every qualification and attainment, requisite to make him 
'' a finished man." He felt an anxious desire to have him 
an able lawyer, that he might exercise his profession gra- 
tuitously, in defending and protecting those cases of inno- 
cence, truth, and justice, which occasionally come before ju- 
dicial tribunals, connected with persons who are unfurnished 
with the means of securing such professional aid, as the se- 
curity of their just rights and interests demand. It was foi 
the benefit of such people, that Mr. Lynch benevolently de- 
sired his son might become qualified, as an able counsellor 
and advocate. He wished he might be a learned man, in 
the broad meaning of the terms ; not a scholar merely — 
but that, in the exercise of a profession, he might actively 
dedicate and appropriate his learning and talents, in a disin- 
terested manner, for the benefit of his fellow men. He con- 
templated with fond anticipation, the approach of that period, 
when he might behold him stepping forth the champion of 
innocence and misfortune. 

Although young Lynch seems never to have been partial 
to the study of law, yet his ever prevailing desire to gratify 
his father, induced him readily to comply with his wishes in 
this particular instance ; and he cheerfully entered upon the 
pursuit. This measure placed him in a situation to learn the 
views and disposition of many distinguished men in London, 
relative to the course of the ministry respecting the Ameri- 
can colonies ; and thus to prepare his own mind for adopting 
the principles which he afterwards espoused, and for pursu- 
ing the course which they indicated. But as the evidences 
of an approaching contest, between the parent government 
and her colonies multiplied, he was anxious to quit the irk- 
some labors of pouring over black letter law books, he ur- 
gently solicited his father's permission to return to his pju 

30 



I 



350 THOMAS LYNCH, JITN, 

ternal residence. Having at length obtained his consent, he | 
set sail for South Carolina. This event, so naturally grate- 
ful to the father and the son, occurred about the year 1772, 
when he was twenty. one years of age, and after a separation 
of eight years. The relative condition of Great Britain and 
her colonies, having greatly changed since Mr. Lynch formed 
his plans for the future course of his son, he was easily per- 
suaded by the latter, soon after his return, to relinquish his 
previous desire to have him pursue the practice of his profes- 
sion ; and to take early measures for having him introduced 
into public life without delay. With a view to this, and to 
produce a consciousness that he had a real and important in- 
terest in the cause of his country, which was to meet its fate, 
according to the issue of the approaching contest, he gave 
him a large and valuable plantation. 

Soon after this occurrence, he consummated by marriage, 
an attachment which was mutually formed even in childhood, 
with Miss Elizabeth Shubrick ; a beautiful young woman, 
in the possession of whom, as the beloved companion of his 
future life, every desire of his heart respecting domestic en- 
joyment, was fully gratified. 

All the agreeable circumstances, necessary to insure the 
domestic felicity and public prosperity of Mr. Lynch, seemed 
to conspire for his utmost gratification. Accomplished as a 
scholar, and polished as a gentleman, he was received as a 
favorite by all his acquaintance in their social circles ; and 
looked to by the community as a worthy associate of his 
highly respected father, in vindicating and managing their 
j)ublic concerns. 

The first exhibition of his talents was given at a town 
meeting in Charleston, soon after his return from England, 
called for the purpose of considering the injuries which Great 
Britain was inflicting on the colonies. In his address, on 
that occasion, he acquitted himself so honorably, and so fully 
to the acceptance of the numerous audience assembled on 
the occasion, that their favor and confidence were voluntarily 
bestowed on him from that moment. From that time he was 
the favorite of the public in that district ; and any honor for 
which he consented to become a candidate, was conferred 
on him almost by acclamation. 

Mr. Lynch was offered a captain's commission in the first 
provincial regiment of troops, which was raised in South 
Carolina, for the continental service — this was in 1775. He 
accepted that appointment somewhat in opposition to the 



SOUTH CAROLINA. 35i 

wishes of his father, who was at the time attending congressr, 
in Philadelphia. He was desirous that his son should enter 
the service, with a higher commission than the one offered him^ 
and wished him to proceed to Philadelphia, where he sup- 
posed one might be obtained for him. But the son thought, 
and so expressed himself to his father with a becoming 
modesty, that his present commission was quite equal to his 
experience in military science. 

General Charles C. Pinckney was at that time a captain in 
the same regiment, and he and Mr. Lynch went forth together 
on the recruiting service, into North Carolina, to raise each 
ithe company which he was to command. The success of 
their enterprise was answerable to their wishes ; for in a few 
weeks each recruited the number of men necessary to com- 
plete his company. But this excursion, though honorable 
and successful, was the immediate cause of serious evils to Mr. 
Lynch, which much impaired his health and prepared the 
way for his premature death. The exposures always incident 
to such a service in every situation, were connected with ag- 
gravated evils in the part of North Carolina where he was 
employed. His health sustained injury before he set out on 
his return homeward; and on his way to Charleston he was 
attacked with a bilious fever, incident to that region, which con- 
tributed its influence to such a degree, that he never was able 
to divest himself of its effects. The consequences was, that he 
continued an invalid during the short remainder of his life. 
Although thus debilitated, he joined his regiment in the latter 
part of that year ; but was not suffered to remain in connec- 
tion with his command but a short season, before the superior 
claims of filial piety and duty imperiously called him to repair 
to Philadelphia. He had been with his regiment but a few 
days, before he received intelligence of an extreme illness 
which afflicted his father in that city. This melancholy in- 
formation, was accompanied with the intelligence that his 
father had resigned his seat in congress, because of his ina- 
bility to perform the duties which it required. Under these 
trying circumstances, his own bodily infirmity, and the claims 
on his filial duty to his afflicted parent, he met with serious 
difficulty in obtaining a furlough for the purpose of discharg- 
ing those obligations, from the fastidiousness of his command- 
ing officer. Colonel Gadsden absolutely refused to grant his 
request, on this plausible ground — that no consideration of a 
private nature should be suffered to interfere with public duty. 
What might have been the res^ilt in that i;istance is not known ; 



352 THOMAS LYNCH, JUN. 

for on receiving the resignation of the father, of his seat in 
congress, the provincial assembly immediately appointed the 
son to fill the vacancy ; and that, by an unanimous vote. This 
superseding his military commission, relieved him from his 
embarrassment, arising from his connection with Colonel 
Gadsden's command. And it was an honorable mark of the 
high esteem and consideration, in which his talents were 
generally held. He was at that time but twenty-seven years 
of age. 

Mr. Lynch, urged by the twofold call of duty to his suffer- 
ing parent, and to his country, hastened his journey to Phila- 
delphia, the theatre of his services. He joined congress in 
1776, and attended in his seat among those who were his se- 
niors in years, and in the business of legislation. While he 
was not unmindful of the obligations due to the public, he at- 
tended with fihal piety and affection, to the claims which his 
parent held on his kindness and gratitude. 

As his father remained in Philadelphia a short time after 
his arrival, he was allowed the privilege of being present at 
the discussions on the subject of independence ; and when 
the great question was decided, to sanction by his vote and 
signature, the act by which a nation emerged from its colo- 
nial condition, and assumed that of an independent nation. 

This was one of the last acts of his political life. But this 
has given the impression of immortality to his name. 

His health was feeble when he left home for Philadelphia. 
During the short time he resided there, it became much 
more so. The decline from that time forward, was rapid and 
alarming. Such being the condition of both the father and 
son, the two invahds entered on their journey to South Caro- 
lina. But the providence of God had determined that the fa- 
ther should close his journey of life, during his slow progress 
towards his residence. " He was no more to return to his 
house, neither was his place to know him any more." They 
proceeded slowly as far as Annapolis, where a second 
paralytic attack terminated the father's life, and the affection- 
ate efforts of the son, to lengthen out his valuable life, and 
alleviate his bodily sufferings. 

Mr. Lynch having performed the last acts of filial duty to 
his parent, now returned to his home, with the hope, by care 
and attention, and with the aid of medical skill, to eradicate 
the seeds of disease, which were sown deep in his constitution, 
while he was engaged in the military service in North Caro- 
lina. Biit these had quickened and taken so firm a root, thafe 



SOUTH CAROLINA. 353 

every effort was found unavailing. Not unfrequently, he was 
confined in a helpless condition by severe rheumatism; such 
as not unfrequently follows an ill treated bilious fever. 

His anxious friends and connections, with the strongest so- 
licitude, were constrained to witness, without the abihty to 
prevent his rapid progress in decline. By the advice of his 
medical attendants, it was determined that he should attempt 
a voyage to the south of Europe, believing that a change of 
climate, if he could sustain the fatigues of a voyage, held forth 
the only hope of a restoration. The dangers attendant on 
pursuing a direct voyage in an American ship, were too immi- 
nent to render such a course expedient. He therefore em- 
barked for St. Eustatia, with an expectation of finding there, 
some neutral vessel, in which the voyage might be safely un- 
dertaken. He accordingly sailed for that port near the close 
of 1779, in a ship commanded by Captain Morgan, accom- 
panied by his amiable wife, the endeared partner of his joys, 
and the sympathizing companion, and participator in all his 
sorrows and afflictions. The rest is soon told. They were 
never seen more. No certain information concerning the 
fate of the ship was ever obtained. She probably foundered 
at sea, and all on board perished. With them, Mr. Lynch, 
and his amiable wife, found a watery grave. " They were 
lovely and pleasant in their Uves, and in their death they 
were not divided." 



<=me$9» 



ARTHUR MIDDLETON. 

Arthur Middleton, the son of Henry Middleton, a weal- 
thy planter in South Carolina, was born in 1743, in Middleton 
Place, a name given it by the family, who first settled in 
south Carolina. 

At an early age he was sent to England for his education. 
His first station was the school at Hackney, in which several 
of the members of the early congress from the south received 
their preparatory instruction to fit them for the university. 
After spending the necessary term in that school, with exem. 
plary application, he was transferred at fourteen years of 
age to a school in Westminster. Here he remained about 
four years, and then entered the university of Cambridge > 



I 



354 ARTHUR MIDDLETON, 

Although amply supplied by his father with the means of in- \ 
dulging in the dissipated habits of the gay, he rather chose to 
attend to his studies, and preserve a moral and sober deport- 
ment ; shunning those places where the young and thought- 
less are but too easily allured, and often ensnared to their 
ruin. After spending four years there, with much credit to 
himself, he took his degree in the twenty-second year of his 
age. He left that seminary with a good reputation, as a sound 
scholar, and a man of correct morals. He spent some time 
after this, in visiting various places in England, and in revi- 
ving and strengthening the feelings of affectionate attach- 
ment, which had subsisted from the beginning, between the 
branch which had emigrated to America, and those who re- 
mained in England. From thence he passed over to the 
continent, and commenced a tour in Europe. In this tour, 
which was principally in the southern parts of Europe, he 
spent nearly two years. In this time, he passed several 
months in Rome, improving his mind by studying the fine 
arts, for which he had a relish, and in which he became 
somewhat of a proficient. He then returned to South Carolina, 
and was soon married to Miss Izard. 

About a year after his marriage, he embarked for Europe 
with his young wife, whom he resolved to gratify with an op- 
portunity to see England, and an excursion on the continent. 
In this tour he visited several of the most celebrated places 
in France and Spain. Having gratified her with a view of 
foreign countries and customs, they returned again to his na- 
tive place in 1773, and took the family seat for their resi- 
dence, Avhich his indulgent father gave up to his favored son. 
There, in possession of wealth, he had as fair a prosj)ect as 
could open to the young mind, of enjoying every satisfaction 
that this world can furnish ; but this prospect scarcely opened 
to his view before it began to be overcast. 

In 1774, the cloud began to collect, indicating the storm 
which in the year following burst on New England, and agi- 
tated the whole of the North American colonies. The time 
had now arrived when it became necessary for men to de- 
clare themselves openly. Neutrality was inadmissible. In 
this time Henry and Arthur Middleton, father and son, with 
nothing to gain for themselves should the cause of the colo- 
nies succeed, and much to lose if it failed, without hesitation 
decided for their country; and stepping forth boldly, put on 
the badge of independence. 

From this time Arthur Middleton was actively employed in 



SOUTH CAROLINA. 355 

various ways, in promoting the cause of the colonies, which 
had become both interesting and critical. He entertained no 
half-way measures, but took a firm and decided stand in op- 
position to British encroachment and oppression. 

He was a member of various committees, which were 
intrusted with great powers ; and who enjoined to " Take 
care that the republic receive no detriment." He was in 
April, 1775, appointed with four others a committee, to place 
the colony in a state of safety against its enemies. They 
took possession of the public magazine of arms and ammu- 
nition, and removed them from the custody of the officer hav- 
ing them under his charge, and appropriated them to the use 
of the colony. 

In June following, he was appointed one of a large com- 
mittee, by the provincial congress of South Carolina, to 
watch over, and take such measures as they might deem ne- 
cessary, in that trying emergency, for the public safety. Of 
that committee he was an active and leading member. Af- 
terwards, when Lord William Campbell was appointed go- 
vernor of South CaroUna, although he was nearly connected 
by marriage with Mrs. Middieton, and it was discovered 
that he was playing a double game with the members of the 
provincial congress, Mr. Middieton, waving the influence of 
family connection, at the hazard of a friendly intercourse 
which then subsisted between his family and the governor's, 
proposed that he should immediately be arrested, and taken 
into custody. This, though it was overruled by a majority of 
the committee, less decided than he, was undoubtedly a wise 
and politic proposal ; and had it been carried into execution, 
it would probably have saved South Carolina from much 
trouble which was shortly afterwards endured, by reason of 
Lord Campbell's fleeing, and returning with an armed force, 
under Sir Henry Clinton and Sir P. Parker, to invade and 
ravag-e their coasts. 

Mr. Middieton was chosen one of a committee of eleven, 
to devise a form of government lor South Carolina, during the 
contest with Great Britain. This was in the winter of 1776. 
in a short time he was chosen one of the representatives for 
South Carolina, in the congress of the nation, then in session 
at Philadelphia. This was the congress which declared in- 
dependence, for which Mr. Middieton voted, and to the de- 
claration of which he set his hand, with a prospect of sacri- 
ticing large possessions, an estimable family, and even life 



356 ARTHUR MIDDLETON, 

itself, should the contest terminate unsuccessfully for his 
country. 

He continued a member of congress, residing with his 
family which he took with him, until the close of 1777. 

In 1778, the assembly having adopted a new constitution, 
in conformity to the recommendation of congress, chose Ar- 
thur Middleton their first governor under it. This was done 
not only without his soliciting it, but without his having even 
contemplated the event as possible. 

But Mr. Middleton, as Mr. John Rutledge before him had 
done, doubted the legality of the proceedings of the legislature, 
which formed the constitution, and declined an acceptance 
of the appointment ; and this he did in a manner which raised 
him still higher than before in popular opinion. The people 
approved of his motives, although they might have thought 
him incorrect in his judgment. 

In 1779, when the British invaded the South, under Gene- 
ral Prevost, Mr. John Rutledge having been called to the 
chair of state, undertook to defend Charleston against the 
enemy. Although Mr. Middleton's property was entirely 
exposed to their depredations, and without any protection, he 
joined the family of Governor Rutledge, and entered Charles, 
ton with the troops assembled there for its defence. He 
united his personal exertions with others to protect that city; 
and had the happiness of seeing the enemy retreat, without 
attacking the place. In the exposed condition of his own 
property, he only wrote to his wife to remove his family a 
days journey out of the scene of immediate danger. Thus, 
while he exerted himself for the protection of others, he left 
his own property to be ravaged by an enraged foe. His loss 
was very great by that irruption of the British, 

In the following year, he, with many other gentlemen of 
distinction, was taken prisoner by Sir Henry Clinton, and sent 
to St. Augustine as prisoners of war. Mr. Middleton was then 
engaged as a private soldier, in the defence of Charleston. 
When in the year following these prisoners were exchanged, 
and sent in a cartel to Philadelphia, he was appointed a re- 
presentative of South Carolina in Congress. He was again 
elected to that office by the general assembly in 1782. This 
was in the beginning of the year. He continued to occupy 
his seat till November, and then returned to his family, from 
whom the vicissitudes of war, and the calls of public duty had 
long separated him. 

The contest being now brought to a close, by the capture 



SOUTH CAROLINA. 35t 

of Lord Cornwallis, and the preliminaries of peace having 
been made known in the United States, Mr. Middleton de- 
chned serving his fellow citizens any longer in congress. He 
however consented to represent them in the legislature of the 
state, and was a very influential and highly useful member 
of that body, at a period when the state was much agitated 
by various causes which such a state of things might natu- 
rally be expected to produce. The influence of the best men 
the state could furnish, was needed to allay these unhappy 
difliculties, and restore harmony to the disturbed community. 
For this purpose, Mr. Middleton devoted his best efforts. 

Besides his services in the legislature, he entered into no 
public employment, but spent his time with his family, resi- 
ding principally in a country residence, a short distance from 
Charleston. There he received his friends with kindness, 
and treated them with that hospitality for which southern 
gentlemen have with justice been honorably distinguished. 
But he did not continue long to enjoy the blessings of peace 
and civil liberty, for the attainment of which he had made 
so manv sacrifices. 

In the autumn of 1787, he contracted an intermitting fever, 
by incautiously exposing himself. This he left to commit its 
ravages on his constitution, thinking that " the power of na- 
ture" was adequate for affording relief. He neglected to 
call for medical aid until his health was so far undermined, 
that when it was applied, it came too late to furnish relief. 
He died on the first of January, 1788, about fifty-five years 
of age. 

Mr. Middleton, at his death, left a wife and eight children ; 
two sons, and six daughters. Mrs. Middleton survived him 
until 1814, retaining that rank and esteem in the most polished 
society, to which she was well entitled. Henry, one of his 
sons, after having been governor of the state, and a member 
of the house of representatives in congress, was appointed 
minister to the court of Russia. 



358 BUTTON GWINNETT, 



GEORGIA. 

BUTTON GWINNETT. 



Button Gwinnett was bom in England, about the year 
1732. His parents were respectable, and though their pecu- 
niary circumstances were moderate, they gave him the means 
of obtaining an excellent education. He first commenced 
business as a merchant in Bristol. Soon after his marriage, 
he resolved to move to America ; and in the year 1770, he 
embarked with his family, and arrived at Charleston, South 
Carolina, where he engaged in trade, and pursued it for two 
years. He then disposed of his stock in trade ; and vested 
the proceeds in a number of slaves, and a tract of land on 
St. Catharine's Island, in Georgia. Thither he removed, and 
devoted his attention to agriculture. 

We possess no means of knowing the history of Mr. Gwin. 
nett's early life. It is probable, however, that it was distin- 
guished by nothing very remarkable. He is said to have 
early favored the cause of the colonies, in opposition to the 
claims of the parliament ; and this may have been one mo- 
tive for his leaving England, and emigrating to America. 
But at the time of his setthng in Georgia, he found the pubhc 
feeling generally, of such an indecisive character, as induced 
him to pursue a cautious line of conduct, surrounded as he 
was by a large proportion of the men of influence, who were 
slow in their determination to oppose the British, and espouse 
the cause of the American colonies. To this general mani- 
festation of cautious decision, which powerfully influenced 
the political movements of Georgia, there were some excep- 
tions. 

Mr. Gwinnett's anticipations of a favorable result of the 
contest between the colonies and Great Britain, were, like 
those of many other sincere friends to their cause, through 
the country, not very sanguine. His were not based on any 
latent affection for his native country ; nor were they influ- 
enced by that indecision, then so prevalent in Georgia, but by 



• i 



GEORGIA. 359 

a mistaken judgment, which led him to form conclusions con- 
trary to his wishes. About this time he became intimate 
with one of those men, who was early decided, and openly 
declared his sentiments in favor of the colonies, and who 
was an enthusiastic partizan in their favor. The frequent 
discussions which took place, respecting the subject, and the 
probability of a successful resistance of the British power, 
between him and Doctor Lyman Hall, (who was the person 
referred to,) served to obviate his fears, and to bring him for- 
ward, to lend his whole powers in a decided hostility to the 
British, and to a vigorous support of the colonies. This open 
and decided manifestation of his feelings, in vindication anc 
support of the cause of his adopted country, together with a 
well cultivated mind, and talents highly respectable, rendered 
him conspicuous and popular, especially among those who 
possessed kindred feelings with his own. The number of 
such was fast multiplying, although they still constituted a 
minority in the colony, and notwithstanding Georgia was the 
last of the colonies, which declared itself in opposition to the 
British. The active influence of those decided patriots finally 
prevailed, and Georgia joined the confederacy, under what 
was then denominated, the Standard of Rebellion. From, 
that period, the popular favor conferred on Mr. Gwinnett, 
was extensive, and his rapid promotion in political life, to the 
first dignities in the province, indirectly prepared the way 
for his sudden precipitation from his elevated station, to the 
rank of a private citizen; and a mortified pride, and feelings of 
resentment towards the instruments of his humiliation spurred 
him onward to that step which at once closed his career in 
politics, and with it his life. His sun rose suddenly — its course 
to the zenith was rapid and brilliant — its descent was hur- 
ried and ominous of evil — and it sat in blood ! 

In deciding on the apparent lukewarmness of Mr. Gwin- 
nett, relative to the American cause, which for a time marked 
his political conduct, we should recollect that his property, 
lying in an indefensible situation, was exposed to become a 
sure sacrifice, should an invasion ensue, and that was a cer- 
tain consequence of the commencement of open hostilities. 
This must be admitted as a powerful motive to operate on the 
feelings, and regulate the conduct of men. It could neither 
be removed to a place of security, nor protected as it lay. 
And it was in fact, totally destroyed by the British. The de- 
cided part which he did take, therefore, furnished a strong 
testimony to the purity of his patriotism. 



360 BUTTON GWINNETT, 

In the beginning of 1775, Mr. Gwinnett openly espoused 
the cause of America, and took a part with the colonies. No 
part of Georgia had at that time been represented in the con- 
tinental congress, except the parish of St. John. This had 
previously separated from the province, and had appointed a 
representative for that district. Here the patriotism of Geor- 
gia seems to have concentered ; and slowly to have diffused 
itself into other more remote parts of the colony, with rather 
a dilatory progress. 

Mr. Gwinnett having attracted the attention of that commu- 
nity to himself, and become popular, by the spirited manner in 
which he espoused the cause of his adopted country, he was 
appointed a representative in congress by the general assem- 
bly, in February, 1776. His colleagues appointed at the same 
time, were his early friend Doctor Lyman Hall, Archibald 
Bullock, George Houston, and George Walton. There was 
one member, that was elected the year preceding, who, when 
the subject of independence came to be seriously contempla- 
ted, being fixedly opposed to it, vacated his seat, and Mr. 
Bullock remained in Georgia after his election. These par- 
ticulars will account for the fact, that there were but three 
of the members from Georgia, out of the six chosen, who 
signed the Declaration of Independence ; of whom Mr. Gwin. 
nett was one. 

In the autumn of 1776, Mr. Gwinnett was again elected, 
and took his seat in December, in Baltimore, whither congress 
had removed, to avoid some impending danger from the ap* 
proach of the British forces towards Philadelphia. 

In this same year, a convention was summoned, during the 
session of the provincial assembly, to meet early in 1777, to 
frame a constitution for the independent state of Georgia. Of 
that convention Mr. Gwinnett was a member ; and has the 
credit of having laid a basis, containing the great outlines of 
the constitution subsequently adopted by the state, as their 
government. 

Mr. Bullock, president of the provincial council, dying soofl 
after the convention adjourned, that high and honorable office 
became vacant. Mr. Gwinnett was elected his successor. He 
had now attained the highest office, and one deemed the most 
honorable, within the gift of the state ; and it might have 
been rationally concluded, that his ambition would be con- 
tented for a short season at least ; especially as all his rapid 
promotions had accumulated upon him, within one year after 
his first appearance in public life. But it will be remembered, 



I 



GEORGIA. 36S 

that he was a " Native Englishman" had come into a colony, 
and among a people of whose real character, Englishmen knew 
but little ; for whom they were accustomed to indulge a feel- 
ing that partook very little of respect. It is not very unna- 
tural to conclude, that Mr. Gwinnett inherited a share of that 
feeling in common with his countrymen ; and that he consi- 
dered the honors so profusely conferred on hinPt, as an ac- 
knowledgement by the provincials of that superiority over 
them, so generally claimed by his countrymen ; and espe- 
cially by those of inferior merits. 

This rapid elevation of a foreigner, a native of the country 
with which the colonies were at open war, and who had re- 
sided but a few years among them, began to excite jealousies 
among some native citizens, who were candidates for popular 
favor. They felt conscious that they had equal, if not supe- 
rior claims on the favor of the community, to his. This irri- 
tated a temper naturally warm and precipitate, and provoked 
him to resent it according to the demands of what are erro- 
neously termed, "the laws of honor." 

Not contented with having held the highest civil office iu 
the gift of the people, he began to aspire to military promo- 
tion. While he was representing the colony in congress, he 
offered himself a candidate for the office of brigadier general, 
to take command of a brigade to be raised in Georgia, for 
the continental service. His competitor was Colonel M'ln^ 
tosh. Mr. Gwinnett failed. The disappointment was peculiarly 
wounding to his feelings. Indeed, his mind does not appear 
to have been disciplined to sustain disappointment with equa- 
nimity. He was placed only in the sunshine of uninterrupt- 
ed prosperity. From the time of that disappointment, he con- 
sidered Colonel M'Intosh his personal enemy. It is probable 
that the colonel did not take any measures to obviate that im- 
pression, and conciliate his esteem. 

The disappointment he experienced in consequence of his 
failure, and the success of his competitor for the commission 
of a brigadier general, was followed by a succession of events, 
which tended to aggravate, rather than sooth the wound his 
irritable feelings had received by that occurrence. The fail- 
ure of a military enterprise in Florida which he had projected, 
which his rivals and their friends improved for his deeper 
mortification ; and this happening when he was offering him- 
self a candidate for the office of governor, together with the 
success of a rival, who he deemed far his inferior in capa- 
city ; all bore on his naturally jealous mind, with not only an 

31 



362 LYMAN HALL, 

unhappy, but a fatal influence. By this combination of un. 
toward events, his aspiring hopes and anticipations were 
blasted, and the way was prepared for closing his short, but 
brilliant political career, and with it his natural life. 

Among those who availed themselves of these events, to 
deepen the mortification, and irritate the wound Mr. Gwinnett 
had sustained, one of the most conspicuous was General 
M'Intosh, bis successful rival candidate for the office of briga- 
dier. The free remarks he made on different occasions, 
affecting the reputation of Mr. Gwinnett ; and the pleasure 
he often manifested, grounded on his humiliation, pointed him 
out as the first victim to his resentment. The consequence 
was a challenge, sent by Gwinnett, and accepted by M'Intosh. 
They met, fought with pistols, at the distance of twelve feet ; 
both were wounded, and Gwinnett mortally. Thus fell, in 
the forty-fifth year of his age, Button Gwinnett, a victim to 
the laws of false honor, of mortified pride, and disappointed 
ambition. He left a widow and several young children be- 
hind him. But they shortly after this event, followed him to 
the grave. 



—»»© 



LYMAN HALL. 

This gentleman was a native citizen of Connecticut, bora 
and educated, both classically and professionally, in that 
colony. He was born about the year 1731. After complet- 
ing his classical and medical education, which was effected 
while comparatively quite young, he married a lady of Con- 
necticut, and emigrated to South Carolina, in the year 1752, 
to pursue tht* business of his profession. At first he settled 
in Dorchester ; but removed into Georgia within the first year 
after his arrival in South Carolina. In Georgia he established 
himself in the district of Medway. About forty families, ori- 
ginally from New England, accompanied him into that pro- 
vince. He settled himself in Sunbury, where, by his gen- 
tlemanly address, and amiable disposition, he obtained the 
confidence of the inhabitants, among whom he successfully 
pursued the practice of medicine until the commencement of 
the American revolution. His skill as a physician, strength- 
ened and confirmed the favorable impressions which had been 
made on their feelings by his kindness and affabihty. 



GEORGIA. 363 

Doctor Hall possessed a good measure of those rational 
feelings, which are strikingly characteristic of the inhabitants 
of New England. These he cherished when in a southern cli» 
mate ; and the fact that he was associated with a considerable 
number of kindred spirits, had no tendency to diminish one 
of the strongest traits in the human character. Possibly it 
may have been owing, in a good measure, to the relative 
situation and character of the inhabitants, among whom he 
resided, that the people of St. John's Parish were so much 
earlier determined to make a common cause in opposing 
British encroachments on the rights, and liberty of the colo- 
nies, than the citizens of Georgia generally. I5ut be this as 
it may, such was the fact, that while the people of Georgia 
in general, were indecisive, temporizing, and backward, the 
eitizens of the parish of St. John set them an example of 
decision, magnanimity, and patriotism ; which, though slowly, 
and at a considerable distance in their rear, they eventually 
followed, and which then presented the whole thirteen pro- 
vinces, unitedly arrayed in a determined resistance of British 
domination. 

By the course which those patriotic citizens adopted^ and 
steadily pursued, they subjected themselves to much inconve- 
nience. Their lives and property were not less exposed to 
an invading enemy, than those of the inhabitants of Georgia 
were generally. They also submitted, to a great extent, to 
break off all commercial communication with them. It is 
true that the whole colony was much exposed. It had an 
open frontier of about two hundred miles ; and the settled 
portion which was covered with a sparse population, extended 
at the utmost not more than forty miles in width, in any 
part. But these citizens who were descended from New 
England parentage, had learned that the place of their fa- 
ther's dwellings had been attacked with hostile violence, and 
was menaced with other more severe inflictions, and their 
fraternal and patriotic spirits were roused to unite with their 
eastern and northern brethren, in resisting and repelling 
from the American shores their hostile invaders. 

A general meeting of what was then denominated, the re- 
publican party, was convened at Savannah, in July, 1774 ; 
which Doctor Hall attended. This was subsequent to vari- 
ous parochial and provincial meetings, which had proved 
vexatious and abortive. 

The measures adopted by that general meeting, were far 
from proving satisfactory to himj or his constituents. A se- 



364 LYMAN HALL, 

cond meeting of the same body took place after a lapse of 
about six months ; but that also closed without doing any- 
thing more than petitioning the British parliament to redress 
their grievances, and to be relieved from other measures of 
the parent government. This had been done once and again, 
by the other colonies, and as often rejected. In this instance 
it met with a similar reception. That the people were not 
excited to a more determined resistance, after all the exam- 
ples that had been set before them, during the six months 
since their meeting in July of the preceding year, must proba- 
bly be ascribed to the smallness of their numbers, and to their 
peculiarly exposed condition. But still, it seems difficult to 
persuade ourselves that they could really expect that their 
application would be received, and treated with more favor 
and regard than those of the other colonies. It cannot then 
be thought strange, that the result of that meeting, when re- 
ported by Doctor Hall to his constituents, instead of satisfac- 
tion, excited disgust. They deemed it temporizing and pu- 
sillanimous ; and too tame for men who were determined to 
live or die as became freemen. The parishioners of St. 
John's Parish had caught the spirit that had been already 
kindled in Boston, and had spread throughout New England, 
and they resolved to adopt and pursue a course more in ac- 
cordance with their own feelings, and corresponding with 
those of their brethren in New England. Hence they ad- 
dressed themselves to the committee of correspondence in the 
city of Charleston, South Carolina ; requesting permission to 
become allied with them, and conduct their commercial busi- 
ness in conformity to the non-importation agreement, to which, 
agreement they had already acceded. They were not suc- 
cessful in this application, however, owing to different views 
taken by the association in South Carolina, of the terms of 
that association, from those of the patriotic applicants of St. 
Jolm's Parish, in Georgia. These, though frustrated in this 
attempt, were not disheartened. They resolved to become 
established on an equal ground with those colonies which had 
confederated not to import any goods from Great Britain, al- 
though they were few in number ; and in an isolated condi- 
tion, as respected their political feelings and sentiments. 
They, by themselves, came into an agreement not to purchase 
slaves imported into Savannah, nor to trade with that city, 
nor among the non-conforming inhabitants of the colony, ex- 
cept under the supervision of a committee ; and only for real 
necessaries, even under those restrictions. After having pro- 



GEORGIA. 365 

ceeded thus far, (while their fellow citizens, still cherishing 
their irresolution, looked on, uninfluenced by their example, 
and remained apparently undetermined how to act,) they pro- 
ceeded to elect their delegate to the next general cong 
not as a delegate of the province of Georgia, but of the par- 
ish of St. John ; and on the 21st of March, 1775, they chose 
Lyman Hall, by an unanimous vote. 

A scene was soon to be exhibited before the general con- 
gress, of a novel character ; and as interesting as it was new. 
A handful of citizens, actuated by feelings, and entertaining 
sentiments of patriotism, such as influenced the American 
people generally, situated in the southern extremity of the 
settlements, had elected and sent forward to congress their 
delegate, with his credentials. On the thirteenth of May, 
Mr. Hall presented himself to that assembly, and exhibited 
his credentials as a delegate from the parish of St. John, in 
the colony of Georgia. Congress, in this unprecedented 
case, unanimously resolved to admit him to take his seat, in 
the character with which he appeared, subject to such regu- 
lations as they should adopt relative to his voting. The 
question they had to decide, was not free from embarrassing 
considerations. Occasionally, votes were taken in that 
assembly by colonies. It was very desirable that all of 
them should be fully represented as colonies. Georgia vac- 
cillated, but it was hoped, if not clearly expected, that she 
would yet unite with the others, and it would be unwise to 
take any ste[) that might tend to prevent, or even to procras- 
tinate the union of that colony with the others ; and it was 
equally unadvisable to do any thing which might disaffect 
that small, but worthy body of patriotic citizens, who had set 
8uch a noble, and praiseworthy example to their more 
backward and temporizing neighbors. But they were re- 
lieved from their delicate and embarrassing situation by Mr. 
Hall himself. He proposed to debate and listen to others ; 
and to vote only when congress did not vote by whole colo- 
nies. This proposal being acceded to, relieved them from 
the difficulty. 

At length the colony of Georgia roused from its apathy, laid 
aside its opposition to a union with the other colonies, and 
applied to be admitted to the coalition. In th^ month of 
July, 1775, they appointed five delegates to the general con- 
gress ; among whom was Lyman Hall ; who had long ex- 
erted himself (but in vain) to bring the whole people to act 
in concert ; and who was, at the time of their accession, a 

3P 



36G GEORGE WALTON, 

member of congress, representing a small district only of 
that province. 

But little more remains to be recorded of this very active 
and eminently useful patriot. In May, 1776, he presented 
new credentials, which were dated in February preceding. 
He was present at the time of debating the great question, 
which was destined to be settled by the vote of congress ; 
and after the question was carried, he affixed his name to the 
parchment, which contained an expression of what he had a 
long time desired should take place ; which he had used his 
best exertions to accomplish, and for which he strove, endured, 
and sacrificed much. 

In 1780, Mr. Hall appeared in congress the last time. 
When the British took possession of Georgia, he, with his 
family, was compelled to leave his residence unprotected, 
and retire to a distance for safety. He went with them to 
the North ; and the existing government confiscated all his 
property. He returned to Georgia in 1782, before the Bri- 
tish evacuated Savannah ; and the year following he was ap- 
pointed governor of Georgia. He subsequeatiy settled in 
Burk county, and retired from public employment ; and after 
a few years spent in the tranquil scenes of domestic life, hav- 
ing recently buried his only son, he soon followed him to the 
grave, about the sixtieth year of his age. His general char- 
acter may be easily inferred from what has been recorded of 
him. He was respected in life, and lamented m death. 



•>»f9@04«» 



GEORGE WALTON. 

Probably the future historians of the United States of 
North America will justly consider, as a fact worthy of re- 
cord in the national annals, the large proportion of self-edu- 
cated men, who were found among the leading revolutionary 
patriots, both in civil and military life ; and especially of the 
individuals who composed that congress which declared the 
nation free and independent. It is certain that several of 
them in their youth enjoyed but limited advantages ; even of 
those who were placed at schools by their parents, by reason 
of the small advantages which those schools could afford. 
Yet these were liberally furnished, compared with some of 



GEORGIA. 367 

tlieir colleagues, who made a distinguished figure in public 
life, were eminently useful to the national councils, and at- 
tained to the highest honors, and the most important ofiices 
that their several communities had the power of conferring 
on their ablest citizens. These remarks are elicited by an 
attention to the history of the life of the gentleman, whose 
name stands at the head of this article. 

George Walton, the subject of this memoir, was a native 
of Virginia, and born in Frederick county, about the year 
1740. His parentage was obscure ; and probably in limited 
pecuniary circumstances, he having been placed as an appren- 
tice to learn the business of a carpenter. At the proper and 
most appropriate age for commencing the education of youths, 
what his advantages were we are not particularly informed ; 
bui he was not entirely destitute of instruction. For during his 
term of service, though his master would allow him neither 
time by day, nor lights by night, that he might devote what 
time he could spare from labor, to books ; we learn that he 
did contrive to cultivate, and improve his mind by reading. 
For this purpose, he collected torch-wood, and a portion of 
the night, after the labors of the day were closed, was spent 
by him in study. He had therefore not only learned to read, 
but he had a very ardent fondness for it. 

His subsequent life supplied him with no other classical 
advantages, than what he derived from the resources of his 
own unaided exertions. Notwithstanding all these impedi- 
ments, which would have disheartened the resolution of most 
youths, he persevered in this manner in improving his mind 
by reading such books as he could procure, to the close of 
his apprenticeship. And when he was released from the 
obligation of his indentures, he was possessed of such a share 
of knowledge, practical, and theoretical, that he removed to 
the province of Georgia, and commenced the study of law 
with Henry Young, Esq. ; a gentleman whose character, both 
professional and political, was distinguished in that colony. 

Mr. Walton commenced the practice of law in 1774, at 
the time when opposition to the oppressive proceedings of the 
English parliament, relative to the American colonies, was 
maturely organized in all the provinces, except South Caro- 
lina and Georgia. But even in Georgia, though generally 
almost stagnant, it was commenced, and advancing onward 
to a state cf maturity in some districts, excited and direct- 
ed by some leading men of decided patriotism, and superior 
intelligence. With some of these Mr. Walton was early 



368 GEORGE WALTON, 

associated, and those kindred spirits determined to rouse the 1 
whole people of that province, to feel and act with the patri- 
otic inhabitants of the other colonies, notwithstanding the \i 
counter influence they had to combat. Mr. Young, law pre-* 
ceptor of Mr. Walton, was a decided advocate for the royal , 
cause. But his independent mind would not be controlled, i 
nor even influenced to act against his own views of right. ' 
Nor would he yield to any inducements which the state of the 
times presented, to allure young men of decided talents and { 
influence, even to forbearance or neutrality. The rights of { 
his fellow citizens were jeoparded ; and the times demanded 
decision, and active exertions from all their friends, to vindicate 
and defend them against lawless usurpation, under whatever 
sanctions it might be attempted. Mr. Walton therefore vo. 
Suntarily sacrificing all the flattering prospects placed in his 
view, and proflered as a reward for his adhesion to the roval 
interest, united with other gentlemen of similar feelings, in 
leading an open opposition to the then ruhng powers of 
Georgia, and committed his rising hopes and fortune, amid 
no small danger to the very problematical issue of a contro. 
versy, in which the vote of a rebel against his rightful sove- 
reign might be the consequence. He took his position on the 
side of the colonies, and undeviatingly pursued the straight 
forward course which that indicated. 

The parties were now clearly defined, and in open opposi- 
tion ; although the patriots were, hitherto, but a feeble mi- 
nority when numerically considered. Their measures were 
opposed, and greatly embarrassed by the temporizing policy 
of the royalists. But they were not to be frustrated ; and by 
a resolute perseverance, they at length succeeded in obtain, 
ing a decided majority in the legislative assembly in their fa- 
vor ; and this event was, undoubtedly hastened forward, by 
the result of those measures which their opponents pursued 
with the British parliament. The contemptuous and negli- 
gent treatment they experienced, and the unceremonious re- 
jection of their petitions and remonstrances by parliament, 
wrought a counteraction, and roused a spirit of determined 
opposition and resistance, in many, who a short time previous, 
were in favor of a cautious, timid, and temporizing policy. 
They soon united with those who had been forward in Geor. 
gia ; and they together, brought the colony to act in unison 
with all the other provinces, in making resistance a common 
cause through the thirteen American colonies. Immediately 
a committee of safety was organized in Georgia, to superin- 



GEORGIA. 3G0 

lend and manage the concerns of the patriotic party ; and to 
hold correspondence with similar committees in other colonies. 
The next and deciding measure, was soon adopted. The con- 
vention of Georgia acceded to the general confederacy, and 
elected their delegates to the continental congress. Opposi- 
tion to the British influence and authority soon attained it.s 
zenith in Georgia. A majority of the legislature were so 
strongly indignant at the treatment they had experienced 
from the parent government at home, that they totally disre- 
garded the communications made to that body by Governor 
Wright. They appointed Archibald Bullock, a resolute man, 
and a decided patriot, president of the executive council. He 
had already, with four colleagues, been elected a delegate to 
congress. This act of the legislature, together with the en- 
tire disregard his communications met with, so incensed the 
royal governor, that he threatened to resort to military force, 
to compel them to act. The suggestion so manifestly im- 
plied in that menace, increased their indignation to such a de- 
gree, that they resolved to seize on his person, and hold bini 
in custody. This having been effected, and the governor 
having forfeited his honor by breaking his parole, the regal 
power in Georgia was prostrated ; and the confederated hos. 
tilities with the parent state, was completed by embracing 
the whole of the thirteen provinces. In effecting this consum- 
mation, so long and so ardently desired, Mr. Walton stood 
forward with the other leading characters, and actively used 
his best exertions. 

Mr. Walton was appointed for the first time a delegate to 
congress, from ^ Georgia, by the state legislature, the beginning 
of February, 1776. He was again honored by a re-election 
to the same office, in October following. He reached Phila- 
delphia on the last day of the session of congress, before they 
adjourned to Baltimore, to avoid the danger of being captured 
by the British army, who were approaching that city. At 
the time of their adjournment, it was highly necessary to 
have a committee remain in Philadelphia, invested with an 
important trust, requiring them to transact business of much 
interest to the public. This committee consisted of Messrs. 
Clymer and Morris of Philadelphia, and George Walton of 
Georgia. He was appointed on the third day after his arri- 
val. This was a testimony of the confidence reposed in him 
by congress, which, under all the circumstances connected 
with his previous history, was highly honorable to his cha- 
racter, and must have been grateful to his feelings. Theij- 



370 GEORGE WALTON, 

principal trust was of great pecuniary value, and connected 
with other duties of a delicate kind. But, important and deli- 
cate as the trust was, it was discharged to the entire satisfac- 
tion of congress. Indeed, peculation and frauds by public 
officers, in that age of stern virtue, would have fastened on 
their perpetrator such an indelible stain, as would have ruined 
them forever, in the estimation of the whole community. 

He was successively re-elected to congress in the years 
1777, 1778 ; and again in 1780. He was placed on the ma- 
rine committee, appointed a member of the treasury board, 
and placed on several committees of minor importance by 
congress ; in performing the duties of which he was a vigi- 
lant and active member, always evincing much useful intel- 
ligence, and great zeal in behalf of the cause he had es- 
poused. While performing his civil functions in the great coun- 
cil of the nation, whose independence he had advocated and 
proclaimed, he was placed in military rank, in the year 1778, 
and appointed to the command of a regiment of militia. Hu 
appeared at the head of a battalion in General Howe's army, 
when Savannah was attacked by the British. In that en- 
gagement, while gallantly leading the troops under his com- 
mand, to defend the place, he received a wound through his 
thigh, fell from his horse, and was taken prisoner by the ene- 
my. He remained on parole until recovered from his wound, 
and then was sent as a prisoner of war to Sun bury. He was. 
afterwards exchanged, and although his rank was no higher 
than a colonel, and the grade in which he served when taken 
captive, only that of a major, yet because he was at that 
time a member of congress, and because he had committed, 
the heinous crime of setting his signature to the Declaration 
of Independence, the British government demanded in ex- 
change, as an equivalent, a brigadier general. But after 
they had learned that his term in congress, for which he had 
been elected the last time, expired during his captivity, they 
consented to receive in exchange, a captain of their navy 
for him, who was a lieutenant colonel. 

While the British continued to hold possession of Savannah, 
after the unsuccessful attack of combined forces, under Major 
General Lincoln, and Count D'Estaing, the legislature of 
Georgia, in October, 1779, appointed Colonel Walton gover- 
nor of the state. He did not, however, retain that office 
long; for on the close of the session in Augusta, in January, 
1780, he was again elected a member of congress for two 
years. But in October of the following year, he finally with- 



GEORGIA. 371 

drew from congress, in whose counsels he had so long and so 
faithfully displayed his unbending patriotism, in promoting the 
cause, and advancing the final establishment of his country's 
independence and liberty. 

By means of some imprudent conduct of President Gwin- 
nett, during his short but brilliant course of public life, a jea- 
lousy had risen between him on the one part, and Colonel 
M'Intosh and a few partizans on the other, which was pro- 
ductive of disastrous consequences in that community, and 
eventually caused Mr. Gwinnett to faH in a duel, an early 
victim to false honor. This discordant spii'it had extended 
wide in the society of Georgia ; and, for a time, seemed to 
threaten a total destruction of all harmony in the state. There 
seems to have existed a mutual jealousy and animosity on 
both sides. From the unhappy consequences of that state of 
public feeling. Governor Walton did not escape. He was 
seriously inculpated, as was supposed, by Gen. M'Intosh. But 
whether justly or unjustly, remams, and probably will remain 
undecided. We would willingly withhold the narrative ; but 
historical justice and truth, require that it should be stated. 

As General M'Intosh had become very unpopular with those 
who supported the civil power, so he was very popular with 
}iis adherents. He was in truth their leader, who kept the 
feud in commotion. The members of congress from Geor- 
gia, fearing the consequences of this state of parties, united 
in an application to the commander in chief, to assign General 
M'Intosh to another command out of the state, and supply 
his place Avith another officer of equal rank. The change 
was effected. General M'Intosh was ordered to join the grand 
army ; and General Howe to take his place. The evil was 
not allayed, however, by tliis means ; and the breach was 
yet far from being closed. 

A party was formed in Savannah, whose avowed object it 
was to prevent the military power from encroaching on the 
civil. They assumed the popular name of " The Liberty 
Club." It had several branches in the different counties; 
which taking direction from that in Savannah, all acted in 
concert. This club, at length, attained to such power as to 
be able to control all appointments to offices in the state. 
During the time Colonel Walton acted as governor of Geor- 
gia, in 1779, a letter was forged by somebody, and transmitted 
to the president of congress, under signature of the speaker 
of the house of representatives ; which, by fair implication, 
bore hard on the character of General M'Intosh. The 



372 GEORGE WALTON, 

speaker declared it a forgery. General M'Intosh charged 
Colonel Walton with a connivance in the imposture, because 
he gave credit to its contents, when in congress. He con- 
sidered himself as unjustly accused, and much injured, by 
those concerned, m his military reputation. The matterj 
with the proofs, were laid before the legislature of Georgia, 
and they seemed to be embarrassed with the subject. Tq 
appease General M'Intosh, they recommended to the attorney 
general, to institute a prosecution against Governor Waltoii 
before the supreme court of that state, and passed a vote,, 
censuring his conduct. At the same time, or rather on the 
preceding day, that same body had appointed him chief jus- 
tice of the state, and placed him at the head of the only tri- 
bunal which could take cognizance of the complaint. Such an 
inconsistency do the records of that legislative body present. 
It is probably to be explained in this manner. The times 
were critical. M'Intosh was an influential officer, whom 
they wished to pacify ; and for that purpose took this mea- 
sure. At the same timft they placed Governor Walton out 
of the reach of the complaint, by putting him at the head of 
the only court which held jurisdiction in the case. General 
M'Intosh and Judge Walton, were at that time respectively at 
the head of the civil and military departments in Georgia. 

Mr. Walton had thus risen, as we have seen, from the 
condition of a carpenter's apprentice without education, to 
the highest honors and offices in the gift of the state ; and, 
from this time, until his death, he held the most respectable 
appointments which the people of Georgia could bestow on 
him. 

Six times he was elected to congress ; twice governor of 
Georgia ; once a senator of the United States, and a judge 
of the superior courts. He retained this last mentioned of- 
fice during the term of fifteen years. In addition to these, 
he was one of the commissioners appointed by the United 
States, to negotiate a treaty with the Cherokees in Tennes- 
see ; and he was also several times a member of the state 
legislature of Georgia. 

Mr. Walton was married, in 1777, to Miss Camber. 
Their only issue was one son, who bore the name of his father. 
And when General Andrew Jackson was governor of West 
Florida, Mr. Walton held the office of secretary of state ; the 
duties of which station he fulfilled to the acceptance of the 
general government. 

Mr. Walton was constitutionally of a;i ardent tempera- 



GEORGIA. 373 

ment ; warm both in his attachments and enmities. One 
' prominent characteristic of the man was decision. He par- 
' took not at all of a temporizing disposition. In his manner, 
generally, he was stern, and kept the world rather at a dis- 
: tance. But he was attentive to merit ; and towards young- 
men of talents and genius he was respectful, and treated 
ihem with such amenity and kindness, as encouraged them 
^ to go forward with confidence in their honorable pursuits. 
He possessed a native vein of satire, which he at times in- 
dulged with much effect. It is said of him, however, that he 
had this dangerous weapon under such thorough discipline, 
that he rarely indulged it in a way which gave offence to any. 
His manner of living was such, as subjected him to an early 
attack of the gout ; which followed him with successive par- 
oxysms, and an increasing severity to the close of his life. 
His desire for information, which so strongly marked the 
morning of his life, was perpetual ; and when suffering under 
the excruciating attacks of his disease, he found, as he used 
to remark to his physician, " a book the most effectual reme- 
dy for mitigating his anguish." 

Mr. Walton never accumulated wealth, as he seemed not to 
have sought for it, as necessary for his happiness. He lived 
contentedly, on the emolument of his offices, and the produce 
of a small farm. He was able, by these means to sustain 
the dignity of his official station, according to the views and 
estimation of the society with which he was connected. It 
was a fixed sentiment with him, never to suffer an office 
which he held to be degraded by the incumbent, in his style 
of living, or by submitting to any treatment which would be 
deemed disrespectful to official dignity. 

He closed his eventful life on the second day of February, 
1804, in the city of Augusta, in Georgia ; leaving in his en- 
terprise and attainments, under many em.barrassments, an 
instructive example to youths of aspiring minds, and to his 
country an honorable character, whose duration will be co- 
eval with its independence and prosperity. 



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